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23  WeST  MAIN  STREET 

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CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICMH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiques 


1 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notes/Notes  techniques  et  bibliographiques 


The 
to  t( 


The  Institute  has  attempted  to  obtain  the  best 
original  copy  available  for  filming.  Features  of  this 
copy  which  may  be  bibliographically  unique, 
which  may  alter  any  of  the  images  in  the 
reproduction,  or  which  may  significantly  change 
the  usual  method  of  filming,  are  checked  below. 


L'Institut  a  microfilm^  le  meilleur  exemplaire 
qu'il  lui  a  6t6  possible  de  se  procurer.  Les  details 
de  cet  exemplaire  qui  sont  peut-dtre  uniques  du 
point  de  vue  bibliographique,  qui  peuvent  modifier 
une  image  reproduite,  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  une 
modification  dans  la  m^thode  normale  de  filmage 
sont  indiquds  ci-dessous. 


The 
posi 
oft! 
film 


n 
n 


Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 

Covers  damaged/ 
Couverture  endommagee 

Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Couverture  restaur^e  et/ou  pellicul^e 

Cover  title  missing/ 

Le  titre  de  couverture  manque 


□    Coloured  pages/ 
Pages  de  couleur 

□    Pages  damaged/ 
Pages  endommag6es 

□    Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Pages  restaur^es  et/ou  pelliculees 


\/ 


Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 
Pages  d^colorees,  tachet^es  ou  piquees 


Orig 

begi 

the 

sion 

othc 

first 

sion 

or  il 


n 
□ 


n 


Coloured  maps/ 

Cartes  geographiques  en  couleur 

Coloured  ink  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black)/ 
Encre  de  couleur  (i.e.  autre  que  bleue  ou  noire) 

Coloured  plates  and/or  illustrations/ 
Planches  et/ou  illustrations  en  couleur 

Bound  with  other  material/ 
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Tight  binding  may  cause  shadows  or  u  stortion 
along  interior  margin/ 

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distortion  le  long  de  la  marge  int^rieure 

Blank  leaves  added  during  restoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Whenever  possible,  these 
have  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
II  se  peut  que  certaines  pages  blanches  ajout6es 
lors  dune  restauration  apparaissent  dans  le  texte, 
mais,  lorsque  cela  ^tait  possible,  ces  pages  n'ont 
pas  ete  fiimees. 


D 


■y 


□ 


v/ 


Pages  detached/ 
Pages  detachees 

Showthrough/ 
Transparence 

Quality  of  print  varies/ 
Qualite  inegale  de  I'irnpression 

Includes  supplementary  material/ 
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obscurcies  par  un  feuillet  d'errata,  une  pelure, 
etc.,  ont  ^t^  film^es  d  nouveau  de  facon  d 
obtenir  la  meilleure  image  possible. 


The 
shal 
TINI 
whi( 

Map 
diff( 
entii 
begi 
righ 
reqi 
met 


D 


Additional  comments:/ 
Commentaires  supplementaires; 


This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  film6  au  taux  de  rdduction  indiqud  ci-dessous. 

:QX  14X  18X  22X 


26X 


SOX 


y 


12X 


16X 


20X 


24X 


28X 


32X 


The  copy  filmed  here  has  been  reproduced  thanks 
to  the  generosity  of: 

University  of  British  Columbia  Library 


L'exemplaire  filmd  fut  reproduit  grdce  &  la 
g6n6rosit6  de: 

University  of  British  Columbia  Library 


The  images  appearing  here  are  the  best  quality 
possible  considering  the  condition  and  legibility 
of  the  original  copy  and  in  keeping  with  the 
filming  contract  specifications. 


Les  images  suivantes  ont  6t6  reproduites  avec  le 
plus  grand  soin,  compte  tenu  de  la  condition  et 
de  la  nettet6  de  l'exemplaire  film6,  et  en 
conformity  avec  les  conditions  du  contrat  de 
filmage. 


Original  copies  in  printed  paper  covers  are  filmed 
beginning  with  the  front  cover  and  ending  on 
the  last  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, or  the  back  cover  when  appropriate.  All 
other  original  copies  are  filmed  beginning  on  the 
first  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, and  ending  on  the  last  page  with  a  printed 
or  illusl  ""ted  impression. 


Les  exemplairss  originaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
papier  est  imprimie  sont  film^s  en  commengant 
par  le  premier  plat  et  en  terminant  soit  par  la 
dernidre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration,  soit  par  le  second 
plat,  selon  le  cas.  Tous  les  autres  exemplaires 
originaux  sont  film^s  en  commenpant  par  la 
premidre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration  et  en  terminant  par 
la  dernidre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 


The  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  — ^-  (meaning  "CON- 
TIN'JED"),  or  the  symbol  V  (meaning   'END  "), 
whichever  applies. 


Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaitra  sur  la 
dernidre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbole  —^-  signifie  "A  SUIVRE",  le 
symbole  V  signifie  "FIN". 


Maps,  plates,  charts,  etc.,  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  dtre 
film^s  d  des  taux  de  reduction  diff^rents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  dtre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  cliche,  il  est  film6  d  partir 
de  Tangle  sup^rieur  gauche,  de  gauche  d  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  n6cessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mdthode. 


1 

2 

3 

1 

2 

3 

4 

6 

6 

r'*--' 


^ 


I 


SPEECH 


OF 


MR.  BUCHANAN,  OF  PENNSYLVANIA 


ON 


THE    OREGON  QUESTION. 


DELIVERED  IN  THE  SENATE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,  MARCH  12,  1844. 


I 


The  following  resolution  offered  by  Mr.  Semple 
being  under  consideration: 

Eesolved,  That  the  President  of  the  United  States  be  re- 
quested to  give  notice  to  the  British  government  that  it  is 
tite  desire  of  the  government  of  the  United  States  to  annul 
and  abrogate  the  provisions  of  the  third  article  of  the  con- 
vention concludad  between  the  government  of  the  United 
States  of  America  and  his  Britannic  Majesty  the  Kini?  of  the 
United  Kine^dom  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland  on  tiie  30tli 
October,  1819,  and  indefinitely  continued  bythe  convention 
between  the  same  parties,  signed  at  London  the  6th  August, 
1827. 

Mr.  BUCHANAN  rose  and  said: 
-  Mr.  Presiiient:  I  feel  deeply  impressed  with  tlie 
importance  of  the  question  now  under  discussion, 
ana  of  the  necessity  which  exists  for  its  speedy  ad- 
justment. My  conviction  is  strong  that  a  peaceful 
settlement  of  this  question  can  only  be  accomplished 
by  prompt  but  prudent  action  on  the  part  of  this 
government.  We  are  all  anxious  that  it  should  be 
settled  in  peace;  and  there  is  no  senator  on  this  floor 
more  anxious  for  such  a  happy  consummation 
than  myself.  Whilst  this  is  the  desire  of  my  heart, 
I  am  yet  firmly  convinced  that  the  mode  by  which 
senator  on  the  other  side  desire  to  atttan  this  desira- 
ble end  will  utterly  fail.  Already  we  are  sending 
numerous  emigrants  every  year  across  the  Rocky 
mountains;  and  we  are  sending  them  tliere  without 
the  protection  of  Ia\»;,  and  without  the  restraints  of 
civil  government.  We  have  left  them,  hitherto,  to 
the  unlimited  control  of  their  own  passions.  We 
must  send  them  laws  and  a  regular  form  of  govem- 
ment.  Wc  must  take  them  under  our  protection, 
and  subject  them  to  the  restraints  of  law,  if  we  would 
prevent  lollisions  between  them  and  the  British  oc- 
cupants— the  servants  and  people  of  the  Hudson  Bay 
company.  This  we  must  do,  if  we  would  preserve 
peac«  between  the  two  nations.  The  present  is  a 
question,  not  of  mere  theory,  but  of  practical  states- 
manship; and  I  sincerely  hope  that  such  a  coftrse 
may  be  pursued  as  will  sustain  the  rights  of  the 
country  to  the  territory  in  dispute,  and,  at  the  same 
time,  preserve  the  peace  of  the  world. 
I  care  but  little  as  to  the  mere  form  of  the  resolu- 


tion proposed  by  the  senator  from  Illinois,  [Mr. 
Semple.]  If  it  be  not  altogether  perfect,  it  can  easily 
be  amended.  This  I  shall  say,  however:  we  ought 
not  to  expect  that  the  President,  under  existing  cir- 
cumstances, would  assume  the  responsibility  of  giving 
the  proposed  notice  for  the  purpose  of  terminating  the 
treaty  of  joint  occupancy,  without  the  sanction  of  one 
or  both  Houses  of  Congress.  The  treaties  of  1818 
and  1827  are  the  law  of  the  land.  They  were  rati- 
fied by  the  constitutional  majority  of  two-thirds  of 
the  Senate;  and  their  provisions  have  now  been  in 
force  for  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century.  It  could 
not,  therefore,  be  expected  that  the  President  would 
give  the  proposed  notice  on  his  own  reponsibility 
alone.  On  the  question  of  his  abstract  power  to  do 
so,  I  express  no  opinion.  Without  any  technical 
objections  to  the  mere  form  of  the  resolution,  and 
without  furtht.  remark,  I  shall  proceed  at  once  to 
the  statement  and  discussion  of  the  main  question. 

The  third  article  of  the  convention  of  the  20th  of 
October,  1818,  between  the  United  Statts  and  Great 
Britain,  contaiiis  an  agreement  that  the  country  on 
the  northwest  coast  of  America,  westward  of  the 
Stony  mountains,  during  tl-.  ici.m  of  ten  years,  witli 
its  harbors,  bays,  and  creeKs,  am'  the  navigation  of 
its  rivers,  "shall  be  free  and  open  to  the  vessels,  cit- 
izens, and  subjects  of  the  two  owers,"  without 
prejudicing  tlie  claim  of  cither  pnrcy  to  the  territory 
m  dispi  e.  The  provisions  of  this  third  article 
were  extended  for  an  indefinite  period  by  the  con- 
vention of  the  6th  of  August,  1827;  subject,  how- 
ever, to  the  condition,  thateither  of  the  parties,  "on 
giving  due  notice  of  twelve  months  to  the  other  con- 
tracting party,"  might  "annul  and  abrogate  this 
convention."  The  question,  then,  is,  shall  we  ad- 
vise the  President  to  give  this  notice.' 

If  our  government  should  annul  the  convention, 
then  each  of  the  parties  will  be  restored  to  its  origi- 
nal rights.  In  what  condition  would  the  United 
States  then  be  placed.'  '  The  northern  boundary  of 
Mexico,  on  the  Pacific,  is  the  forty-second  parallel 
of  north  latitude.    By  separate  treaties  between  the 


F880 
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//Jf  W/tn'fMf/y  o^'y/}/^yfj/t   Uo/'/^^i/f^ 


I'liitcd  Stairs  nnd  Russin,  and  Grtnt  Britain  and 
Riissic,  tiiis power  lias  rcIiniiuiHliod  all  ciiiim  to  any 
territory  on  the  norlliwcst  f:oust  of  Anifrifa,  soulli 
ot"  the  lalitiule  of  (iriy-foiir  deforces  and  forty  niin- 
uteH.  Thus  the  (crriloi y  in  (lispnte  oniliracos  tliat 
vast  region  extendin'j;  along  tlie  Paeiiie  ocean,  from 
On-  forty-second  degree  of  north  latitude  to  fifty-four 
<legrecM  and  liirty  nnnutes  iiortli,  arid  running  east 
3ilong  tiiese  r<  speetive  ]iarallcl.s  of  latitude  to  the 
Runmiit  of  the  lloi'Uy  mountains.  Now,  nir,  to  the 
whole  of  this  t(  rritory — to  every  foot  of  it — 1  be- 
lieve most  firmly  thai  wc  have  a  elear  and  conclu- 
sive title.  This  ha.s  not  been  denied  by  any  scna- 
wr.  Under  the  publie  law  of  elirislendom,  which 
has  regulated  the  rights  of  nations  on  sueli  ([ucs- 
li<mH  ever  .since  the  discovery  and  settlement  of  the 
<x)ntir.e.it  of  America,  the  validity  of  our  title  can 
be  demonstrated.  1  shall,  myself,  attemj)!  to  ])er- 
form  this  duly  on  a  future  and  more  appropriate 
<.ire«sion,  when  the  bill  to  establish  a  territorial  gov- 
ernment for  Oregon  shall  come  before  the  Senate, 
unless,  in  the  mean  time,  it  slmll  be  accomplished  by 
some  se.iator  more  competent  to  the  task. 

The  materials  for  this  work  of  mere  condensation 
and  abridgment  are  at  hand.  They  are  all  to  be 
found  in  the  jiowerfid  speech  of  the  new  .senator 
fn>ni  Illinois,  [Air.  Buekse,]  which  has  made  such 
a  favorabl.;  iuipressio:.  upon  the  body;  in  the  able 
and  convincing  treatise  on  the  subject  by  a  distin- 
guished citi/.eii  of  Philadelphia,  (Peter  A.  Browne;) 
and,  above  all,  by  the  facts  and  arguments,  the  labor 
«f  years,  collected  and  jiresented  by  Mr.  Greenhow, 
III  his  History  of  California  and  Oregon,  which  has 
«xJuiUHted  the  subject,  and  left  not  a  doubt  of  the 
validity  of  our  title. 

Assuming,  then,  f6)r  the  present,  with  the  senator 
fnjm  Mas.sacdiusetts,  [Mr.  Choate,]  that  our  title 
j.«  undoubted,  1  shall  proceed  directly  to  discuss  the 
tjucstion  whether  we  should  give  the  notice  pro- 
|H)Scd  by  the  resolution. 

And,  ill  the  first  place,  I  shall  contend  that,  if  we 
desire  to  bring  the  negotiation  to  a  speedy  and  suc- 
cessful termiiuuion — if  we  wish  to  make  any  treaty 
with  England  at  all  upon  the  subject, — it  js  indis- 
pensably necessary  that  we  should  give  the  notice. 
And  why.'  From  the  plainest  principles  of  com- 
mon sense,  and  from  the  policy  which  governs  na- 
tion,s,  it  cannot  be  expected — nay,  it  ought  not  to  be 
expected — that  England  will  voluntarily  surrender 
tfie  Oregon  K^-ritory,  or  any  part  of  it,  while  the  pres- 
ent treaty  <'xisls,  under  which  she  now  enjoys  the 
whole.  The  status  in  quo  (as  writers  on  public  law 
call  it)  IS  too  favorable  to  her  interests  to  expect  any 
tmch  result,  yiic  now  liolds,  and  ims  held,  the  ex- 
<:.lu.sive  [lossossiun  of  the  territory  for  more  than  a 
quarter  of  a  century,  for  every  purpose  for  which 
vhti  desires  to  use  it  at  the  present.  The  Hudson 
Hay  company  have  claimed  high  merit  from  the 
British  go\  ernnient  for  liaving  expelled  our  luinters 
and  traders  t'rom  tlie  country.  We  have  been  in- 
formed by  the  senator  from  Missouri,  [Mr.  Bkn- 
Tov,]  and  other  western  senators,  that  this  com- 
pany— either  directly,  by  their  own  agents,  or  indi- 
rtsrlly,  by  the  Indians  under  their  control — have 
murdered  between  four  and  fis'e  hundred  of  our  fel- 
low-citizens, who  had  crossed  the  Rocky  mountains 
for  the  purpose  of  trading  with  the  natives,  and  of 


hunting 


the   fur-bearing  animals  which  abound  in 


those  regions.  They  liavi',  driven  away  all  our  cili- 
aens  whose  pursuits  could  interfere  with  their  prof- 
ita.  Under  the  existing  state  of  things — under  the 
.present  treaty  of  joint  occupation, — tliey  have  the 


whole  country  to  themselves,  and  all  the  profits  to 
be  derived  from  its  possession.  The  Hudson  Bay 
company  now  enjoys  the  monopoly  of  the  fur  trade, 
which  has  ))oured  millions  into  its  cofl'ers,  and  ha^ 
greatly  promoted  the  commerce  and  furnished  a  mar- 
ket for  the  mamifactures  of  the  mother  country. 
The  truth  is,  that  the  present  treatv  of  joint  occupa- 
tion, although  reciprocal  between  tlie  two  nations  in 
]ioint  of  form,  has  proved  beneficial  in  point  of  fact 
to  England,  and  to  England  alone.  She  has  at  pres- 
ent all  she  can  desire;  and  any  change  must  be  for 
the  worse.  Why,  then,  should  she  consent  to  di- 
vide the  possession  of  this  Territory  with  the  Urn- 
ted  States.'  Wliy  should  she  be  willing  to  surren- 
der any  part,  when  she  now  enjoys  the  whole^ 
E.vcn  if  we  were  to  yield  to  her  monstrous  proposi- 
tion to  make  the  Columbia  river  the  bounuary  be- 
tween the  two  nations,  still  would  she  not  desire  de- 
lay, enjoying  already,  as  she  does,  the  practical 
ownership  of  the  whole  territory  south,  as  well  as 
north,  of  that  river.' 

Knowing  the  policy  which  has  always  actuated 
the  British  government,  I  should  not  be  astonished, 
if  we  could  penetrate  the  cabinet  of  Mr.  Pakenham, 
to  find  there  instructions  to  this  erect: — Delay  the 
settlement  of  the  question  as  long  as  you  can;  the 
longer  the  delay  the  better  for  us;  under  the  existing 
treaty  we  enjoy  the  whole  of  the  fur  trade;  under  it 
we  now  possess  far  greater  advantages  than  we  C£in 
expect  under  any  new  treaty. 

They  have  already  all  they  desire;  and,  my  life 
upon  it,  there  will  be  no  new  treaty,  if  the  Senate 
should,  as  I  have  no  doubt  they  will,  lay  this  reso- 
lution upon  the  ttible  for  the  reasons  which  have 
been  urg(^d  in  the  debate.  Sir,  if  this  resolution 
should  be  laid  upon  the  table,  accompanied  by  the 
able  and  eloquent  argumenls  of  senators  on  the 
other  side — by  the  argument  of  the  senator  from 
Massachusetts  [Mr.  Choate]  in  favor  of  continu- 
ing the  present  treaty  of  joint  occupation  for  twenty 
years  longer,  and  that  of  the  senator  from  New 
Jersey  [Mr.  Miller]  against  the  policy  of  sending 
our  citizens  to  settle  in  Oregon  at  all — in  my  opin- 
ion, it  will  be  utterly  vain  even  to  hope  for  the  con- 
clusion of  any  treaty.  Great  Britain  will  be  glad  to 
enjoy  all  the  benefits  of  her  preaent  position  for  an- 
otiier  quarter  of  a  century. 

But  if  the  notice  were  once  given — if  it  were  thus 
rendered  certain  that  the  present  treaty  must  expire 
within  a  year,  the  British  government  would  then  be- 
gin to  view  the  subject  in  a  serious  light.  The> 
would  then  apply  themselves  in  earnest  to  the  settle- 
ment of  the  question.  We  owe  it  to  Great  Britain — 
we  owe  it  to  our  own  country,  to  render  this  a  serious 
question;  not  byoflTering  threats,  for  these  would  be 
unworthy  of  ourselves,  and  could  produce  no  effect 
upon  such  a  power — but  by  insisting,  in  a  firm  but 
respectful  tone,  that  tlie  disjjute  which  has  so  long 
existed  been  the  two  nations  must  now  be  termina- 
ted. When  that  power  shall  disco vei"  that  we  are 
at  last  in  earnest  and  determined  to  urge  the  contro- 
versy to  a  conclusion,  then,  and  not  till  then,  will 
she  pay  that  degree  of  respect  to  our  rights  and  to 
our  remonstrances  "which  the  proud  soul  ne'er 
pays  but  to  the  proud." 

It  is  not  by  abandoning  our  rights — it  is  not  by 
giving  to  Great  Britain  another  quarter  of  a  century 
for  negotiation,  that  we  can  ever  secure  to  ourselves 
our  own  territory  now  in  her  possession.  Until 
the  notice  shall  be  given — ^judging  from  the  selfish 
principles  which  unfortunately  too  much  infltienoe 
the  conduct  of  nations,  as  well  as  individuala— there 


irill  be 

Upo"  l^ 

iot  a  spj 

Been  rul 

'^c  shalll 

had  b(ei| 

Ihentioii 

^e   dec 

twenty 

jossibleJ 

My  s(| 

iRtive  ac'l 

iating  civ 

vicnt  spil 

80  far  fV(| 

tp  perse  I 

when  lia| 

her  lon^ 

one  com] 

A.  firm  al 

from  hei 

.  The 

that  "thil 

aiidered  i 

had  wail 

adjustmi 

should  1 

tag   ihit 

misiakei 

Juietly 
iept  for 
that  fro  11 
crossed 
«nt  hou 
subject, 

Sute.     1 
enate  li 
documei 
ted   to  c 
feel  colli 
have  occ 
more  tin 
their  sei 
stunlly  1 
Hi-ging 
mouth  c 
poascssi 
by  fore* 
the   trci 
treaty 
that  po 
own  ter 
satisficc 
force,  \ 
withou 
Floyd 
gather( 
the  oth 
tive  to 
■  ritory 
ject  hfi 
-each  s 
t»umei 
.mittee 
jpur  til 
«uiysv 
Kf '    Bui 
'lor  si: 
•    any  r 
tyye 
gumc 
•Jiest, 


i  3 

l*l'  ""t/'^.P'"'''^'^  ^"  will  Ijc  no  adjuslnicnt  of  the  boundary  qucation.  If, 
I  lludson  IJay  ||pon  the  mere  arrival  of  a  British  minister,  (and  he 
ly  "1  'he  fur  trade,  ^ot  n  .special  minister  like  Lord  Ashburton,  as  had 
H  eotUis,  and  ha^  Been  rumored,  but  a  retsidenl envoy  cxiraordinary,) 
lurnisheu  a  mar-  ^c  .shall  a  second  time  arrest  our  proceedings  Vf-hicih 


mother  country,  had  hit^u  conmicnci d  lonii;  before  liis  name  was 
V  o(  joint  occupa-  aientioncd  for  this  appointment,  fuid  jjrcet  him  with 
in\  two  nation.s  in  jjic  declaration  that  we  are  willimr  lo  wait  for 
Uiii  pojnt  of  fact  twenty  years  lonirer,  then  a  treaty  will  become  im- 
'^lic  has  at  pros,  possible. 

My  second  proposition  is,  that  to  arrest  all  Icfjis- 
lative  action  at  liie  present  moment,  and  under  ex- 
isting circumstances,  would  evince  a  tame  and  sub.ser- 
Ticnt  sj)iriton  our  pail  towards  Great  Dritain,  which, 
SO  far  from  concihatins,  would  only  encourajLje  her 
tp  persevere  in  her  unjust  demands.  I  would  ask, 
when  hiis  EngLuid,  in  her  foreign  palicy  throuc;hout 
her  long  and  eventful  history,  ever  failed  to  make 
one  concession  the  ground  for  demanding  aiiotheir 
A  firm  and  determined  spirit  m  necessary  to  obtain 
from  her  both  respect  and  justice. 
•  The  f:ciiat(n'  from  Mas.suchusetts  has  informed  ns 
that  "this  controver.sy  bad  not  heretofore  been  con- 
•idered  as  very  urgent;"  and  has  slated  that  "if  we 
had  waited  so  quietly  for  twenty-six  years  for  the 
adjustment  of  this  question,  he  did  not  sec  why  w(; 
should  not  wait  six  months  longer,  instead  of  adopt- 
ihg  this  measure  now."  IJut  is  not  the  senator 
ttiisiaken    in  supposing   that  we   had  waited  thu.s 

Juietly  for  so  long  a  period.'  The  question  baa  not 
lept  for  a  quiU'ter  of  a  century.  So  far  from  this, 
that  from  the  day  when  Lewis  and  Clark,  in  1805, 
crossed  the  Rocky  mountains,  until  the  pre.s- 
«nt  hour,  we  have  been  incessantly  agitating  the 
subject,  and  urging  our  title  to  the  territory  in  dis- 
pute. 1  requested  the  executive  secretary  of  the 
Senate  to  hunt  up  all  the  volumes  containing  public 
documents  on  this  subject.  1  am  sorry  that  I  omit- 
ted to  count  the  number  of  these  volumes;  but  1 
feel  confident  they  exceeded  twenty.  Ever  since  I 
have  occupied  a  .seat  in  Congress,  (wliich  is  ni>w 
more  than  twenty  years,)  the  American  people,  by 
their  senators  and  representatives,  have  been  con- 
stantly urging  the  settlement  of  this  question,  but 
urging  it  in  vain.  We  were  in  possession  of  the 
mouth  of  the  Columbia  before  the  late  war;  and  tliis 
possession,  of  which  Great  Britain  had  dejtrived  us 
Dy  force,  was  restored  to  us  after  the  peace  under 
the  treaty  of  Ghent.  In  an  evil  hour,  under  the 
treaty  of  1818,  we  voluntarily  surrendered  to 
that  power  a  joint  occupation  with  ourselves  of  our 
own  territory.  The  British  government  is  perfectly 
satisfied  with  this  treaty;  and  whilst  it  remains  in 
force,  we  may  urge  and  complain  until  doomsday 
without  effect.  From  the  time  when  Governor 
Floyd  of  Virginia,  who  has  for  many  years  been 
gathered  to  his  fathers,  introduced  his  resolution  in 
the  other  House,  on  the  10th  December,  1821,  rela- 
tive to  the  occu|)ation  of  the  Columbia  river  and  ter- 
ritory of  the  United  States  adjacent  thereto,  the  sub- 
ject has,  in  some  form  or  other,  been  brought  before 
<each  successive  Congress.  Since  then,  we  have  had 
tiumerous  President's  messages  and  reports  of  com- 
mittees, and  other  documents,  in  favor  of  asserting 
.^ur  title  by  some  act  of  possession;  but  all  without 
any  successful  result. 

But  even  if  we  had  been  sleeping  over  our  rights 
^r  six  and  twenty  years,  I  ask  the  senator,  is  this 
any  reason  why  we  should  slumber  over  them  twen- 
ty years  longer.'  Is  it  not  rather  a  convincing  ar- 
gument to  urge  us  at  last  now  to  go  to  work  in  ear- 
xiest,  and  repair  the  evils_  consequent  on  our  long  dc- 


inge  must  be  for 
^he  eon.sent  to  di- 
>ry  with  the  Uni- 
willing  to  surren- 
joys  tlie  whole' 
>n St  10 us  proposi- 
lie  bounoary  be- 
lie not  desire  de- 
«,  the  practical 
)uth,  as  well  a.s 

always  actuated 
^t  be  astonished, 
Mr.  Pakcnham, 
cct:— Delay  tlie 
M  you  can;  the 
der  the  existing 
ir  trade;  under  it 
es  than  we  cem 

re;  and,  my  life 
tv,  if  the  Senate 
',  Jay  this  reso- 
)ns  which  hnve 
this  resolution 
npanied  by  the 
snators  on  the 
e  senator  from 
or  of  continu- 
tion  for  twenty 
itor  from  New 
icy  of  sending 
— in  my  opin- 
'6  for  the  con- 
will  be  glad  to 
osition  for  an- 

if  it  were  thus 
y  must  expire 
lould  then  be- 
hght.    The> 
t  to  the  settle- 
reat  Britain — 
this  a  serious 
ese  would  be 
luce  no  effect 
in  a  firm  but 
I  Jias  so  long 
t'  be  termina- 
r  that  we  are 
e  the  contro- 
:ill  then,  will 
rights  and  to 
soul   ne'er 

-it  is  not  by 
of  a  century  i 
to  ourselves 
lion.  Until 
>  the  selfish 
■h  influence 
luals— there 


lay?  But  tlie  cITect  of  the  argument  of  the  senator 
V  "  still  be — "a  little  more  Klc<'p;  a  little  more  slum- 
b<  i,a  little  more  f.ilding  of  the  hauls  to  sleep;"  whilst 
Gnat  I'ritain  continues  iiilhcaciuni  possession  of  the 
cminiry,  .uul  lias  evinced  a  fixed  determination  to 
hold  it  as  long  as  possible. 

My  lamented  friend,  the  late  senator  from  Mis- 
souri, (Dr.  Linn,)  who  sut  by  my  side  in  this  cham- 
ber, for  sevenil  years  before  his  death,  made  the  a.s- 
sertion  of  our  claims  to  this  territory  the  chief  bu- 
siness of  his  usel"ul  and  honorable  life.  He  thought 
that,  when  Lord  Ashburton  came  to  the  country, 
the  propitious  moment  had  at  length  'Tivcd  for  the 
settlement  of  this  long-agitated  and  d  ^erous  ques- 
tion. His  lordship  was  hailed  as  •  minister  of 
j)C!icR  and  as  the  harbinger  of  a  nc  era  of  good 
feeling  between  the  two  nations.  Mr.  Webster 
himself  |trocIivimed  that  this  special  mini.ster  was  in- 
trusted with  full  [lower  to  settle  all  our  (ptestions  in 
dispute  with  Grettt  Britain.  We  all  recollect  witli 
what  enthusiasm  his  advent  was  hailed.  Dr,  Linn, 
upon  the  advice  of  his  friends,  (myself  amongst 
the  number,)  ceased  to  urge  the  Oregt)n  question  on 
this  floor,  as  soon  as  tht;  negotiation  commenced, 
in  the  full  and  confident  expectation  that  it  would 
be  finally  settled  by  any  treaty  which  might  be  con- 
clnded.  1  hope  the  Senate  will  pardon  me  for  say- 
ing a  few  worth)  here  in  reference  to  my  deceased 
friend.  In  him  were  combined  the  most  opposite 
and  the  most  admirable  qualities  of  our  nature,  in 
more  striking  contrast  than  1  have  ever  witnessed  in 
any  other  man.  Gentle  as  the  lamb,  and  mild  as 
the  zejihyr,  he  was  yet  brave  as  the  lion.  "He  had 
a  heart  for  pity,  mid  a  hand  open  as  day  for 
melting  charily;"  but  yet  "was  like  the  mustering 
thflnder  when  jirovokcd."  Human  suflering  al- 
ways drew  from  him  the  tear  of  sympiithy;  anil  his 
active  benevolence  never  rested  until  he  had  at- 
tempted to  relieve  the  suflTercr.  He  was  one  of  tho 
nble.it  men  who  has  held  a  .'-•eat  in  the  Senate  in  my 
day,  and  yet  he  was  so  modest  and  unpretending 
that  he  never  seemed  sensible  of  his  own  ability, 
a'ld  would  blush  at  the  faintest  praise.  If  the  first 
settlers  who  shall  boldly  establish  themselves  in  Ore- 
gon under  the  ample  folds  of  the  American  flag — not 
those  who  may  "enter  the  territory  prudently 
nnd  silently" — do  not  call  their  first  city  af^or 
his  name,  they  will  deserve  the  brand  of  ingrat- 
itude. I  have  never  known  a  man — a  stranger  to 
my  own  blood — in  the  \vhole  course  of  my  life,  to 
wiioni  I  was  more  ardtoitly  attached. 

In  common  with  us  all.  Dr.  Limi  was  firmly  con- 
vinced tiiiit  the  Oregon  question  would  have  been 
settled  by  the  late  treaty.  There  was  tlien  every 
reason  cimfidently  to  anticipate  such  a  result.  Lord 
Ashburton  himself  proclaimed  that  he  had  been  in- 
trusted with  full  powers  to  settle  ail  the  disputed 
questions;  and,  from  the  condition  of  England  at  that 
moment,  no  man  could  have  doubted  her  desire  to 
remove  all  causes  of  dissension  between  tlie  two 
countries.  Her  annual  revenue  was  insufiicient  for 
her  annuid  expiinditurc;  she  had  sufl'ered  serious 
reverses  in  the  East,  where  she  was  waging  two  ex- 
pensive and  bloody  wars;  a  large  portion  of  her  pop- 
ulation at  home  appeared  to  be  rapidly  approacning 
a  state  of  open  rebellion  from  misery  and  starvation; 
and  France,  her  ancient  and  powerful  enemy,  had 
indignantly  refused  to  ratify  the  quintuple  treaty 
granting  her  the  right  of  search  on  the  African  coast. 
This,  I  rejieat,  was  the  propitious  moment  to  settle 
all  our  difficulties;  but  it  was  not  improved,  and  I 
fear  it  has  passed  away  forever.    Who  could  then, 


i 


■JWPt*!?"^^-^ 


have  anticipated  that,  under  nil  these  favorable  cir- 
cumstances, but  a  single  aueation  would  be  settled, 
and  this  the  northeastern  noundary?  It  was  not  in 
the  confiding  nature  of  Dr.  Linn  to  anticipate  such  a 
catastrophe.  Some  of  us,  at  least,  can  recollect  with 
what  astonishment  and  mortification  we  first  learn- 
ed that  the  Oregon  question  had  not  been  settled  by 
the  treaty.  Dr.  Linn  instantly  gave  notice  tb'it  he 
would  press  his  bill  for  the  organization  and  settle- 
ment of  the  territory;  and  this  bill  passed  the  Senate 
at  the  lastsession.  Are  then  the  United  States  again 
to  strike  their  flag?  are  all  proceedings  upon  this  sub- 
ject again  to  be  arrested  in  the  Senate,  on  the  mere 
arrival  of  another  niinisterfrom  England?  Although 
her  subjects  hud  been  in  the  exclusive  possession  of 
the  whole  territory  from  the  day  when  the  Hudson 
Bay  company  first  set  foot  upon  it  until  1842,  yet 
Congress  at  once  cea.scd  to  prosecute  our  claim  on 
the  arrival  of  Lord  Ash biirton.  Should  we  pursue 
a  similar  course  on  the  arrival  of  Mr.  Pakonham,  is 
it  not  morally  certain  that  the  new  negotiation  will 
produce  similar  results?  This  is  not  the  best  mode 
of  treating  with  England.  She  ought  not  to  expect 
any  such  concessions  from  us.  If  we  desire  to  ob- 
tain justice  from  her  or  any  other  nation,  we  must 
assert  our  rights  in  a  proper  manner.  If  we  do  this, 
she  will  have  little  encouragement  to  hope  for  longer 
delay;  if  we  do  not,  judging  from  her  course  in  the 
Ashburton  negotiation,  there  is  not  the  least  probabili- 
ty of  the  settlement  of  the  question.  We  have  already 
surrendered  to  her  our  ancient  highland  boundary 
for  which  our  fixthers  fought;  these  highlands  which 
overlook  and  command  Quebec,  the  seat  of  her 
empire  in  North  America.  We  have  placed  her  in 
possession  of  the  highland  passes  which  lead  into  the 
very  heart  of  our  own  country.  We  have  yielded 
to  her  the  very  positions  on  our  frontier,  which  the 
Duke  of  Wellington  and  a  board  of  British  ofiicers 
deemed  indispensable  for  the  defence  of  her  North 
American  possessions.  She  has  obtained  all  this 
from  our  government;  and  what  is  worse  than  all, — 
what  disgraces  us  more  than  ail  before  the  world — 
no,  sir,  I  will  not  apply  the  term  disgrace  to  my 
country, — Lord  Ashourton  had  in  his  pocket  Mitch- 
ell's map  of  1753,  t^iken  from  the  private  library  of 
George  the  Third,  which  proved  the  justice  of  our 
claim.  On  that  map  was  traced,  by  the  hand  of  the 
sovereign  himself,  the  treaty  line  according  to  our 
claim;  and  the  factwas  thus  conclusively  establislied, 
that  England  was  not  entitled  to  a  foot  of  the  terri- 
tory in  dispute. 

Mr.  B.  here  read  from  a  newspaper  the  following 
extracts  from  the  speeches  of  Sir  Robert  Peel  and 
Lord  Brougham — the  first  delivered  in  the  House  of 
Commons  on  the  28th  March,  1843,  and  the  second 
in  the  House  of  Lords  on  the  7th  April  following: 

Sir  RoBKRT  Pkki,.  But  there  is  still  another  map.  H'^re, 
in  this  country — in  the  library  of  the  lute  King — was  depos- 
ited a  map  by  Mitchell,  of  the  dute  1733.  Thiit  map  was  in 
the  possession  of  the  late  King;  and  it  was  also  in  possessioii 
of  the  noble  lord;  but  he  did  not  communicate  its  contents 
to  Mr.  Webster.  [Hear,  hear.]  It  is  marked  by  a  broad  red 
line;  and  on  that  line  is  written  "Boundary  as  described  by 
our  negotiator,  Mr.  Oswald;"'  and  that  lino  follows  the  claim 
of  the  Itnited  States.  [Hear,  hear.]  That  map  was  on  an 
extended  scale.  It  was  in  possession  of  the  late  King,  who 
was  particularly  curious  in  relation  to  geographical  inqui- 
ries. On  that  map,  I  repeat,  is  placed  the  boundary  line — 
that  claimed  by  the  United  States — and  on  four  difl'erent 
places  on  that  line,  "Boundary  as  described  by  our  negotia- 
tor, Mr.  Oswald." 

Lord  Brougham  also  spoke  upon  this  question, 
and  treated  the  idea  with  ridicule  and  scorn,  that 
Lord  Ashburton  was  bound  to  show  this  map  to 
Mr.  Webster.    His  lordship  thinks  tJiat,  from  the 


handwriting  along  the  red  line  on  the  face  of  the 
map,  descnbing  the  American,  and  not  the  British 
claim,  "it  is  the  handwriting  of  George  III  him- 
self." And  after  stating  that  the  library  of  George 
III,  by  the  munificence  of  George  IV,  was  given  to 
the  British  Museum,  he  says: 

This  map  must  have  been  there;  but  it  is  a  curious  cir- 
cumstance that  it  is  not  there  now.  [Laughter.]  I  suppose 
it  must  have  been  taken  out  of  the  British  Museum  for  the 
putpose  of  l)eing  sent  over  to  my  noble  friend  in  America; 
[hear,  hear,  and  laughter;]  and  which,  according  to  the  new 
doctrines  of  diplomacy,  ho  wa.i  bound  \o  have  taken  over 
with  him,  to  show  that. he  h'ad  no  case— that  he  had  not  a 
leg  to  stand  upon. 

And  again: 

But,  somehow  or  other,  that  map,  whicn  entirely  de- 
stroys our  contentioni,  and  gives  all  to  the  Americans,  has 
been  removed  from  the  Briti:ili  Museum,  and  is  now  to  bo 
found  at  the  Koi-eign  Oflice. 

"The  late  King  (says  Robert  Peel)  was  particu- 
larly curious  in  relation  to  geographical  inquiries." 
No  doubt  he  had  received  from  Mr.  Oswald  himself 
(the  British  negotiator  of  the  provisional  treaty  of 
peace)  the  information  necessary  to  enable  him  to 
mark  the  boundary  Unc  between  his  remaining 
provinces  in  North  America  and  the  United  States 
according  to  that  treaty.  Justly  has  Lord  Brougham 
declared,  that  if  this  map  had  been  produced,  tlio 
British  government  would  not  have  had  a  leg  to 
stand  upon.  It  would  have  entirely  destroyed  all 
contentions,  and  given  all  to  the  Americans.  I  shall 
not  apply  any  epithets  to  such  conduct.  The  sub- 
ject is  too  grave  for  the  use  of  epithets.  But  this  I 
shall  say,  that,  at  one  moment  during  the  northeasts 
ern  boundary  dispute,  that  government  was  ready  to 
apply  the  match  to  the  cannon,  and  go  to  war  in  de- 
fence of  a  claim  which  they  themselves  knew,  under 
the  hand  of  their  late  sovereign,  was  totally  destitute 
of  foundation. 

1  shall  repeat,  without  comment,  what  Lord  Ash ! 
burton  said  in  reference  to  the  British  title,  during 
the  negotiation.  He  stated  that  he  was  the  friend 
of  the  United  States — that  he  had  endeavored  to 
avert  the  late  war  with  England;  which  was  true, 
and  was  highly  creditable  to  him.  But,  after  all, 
with  the  map  in  his  pocket,  he  declared,  in  his  letter 
to  Mr.  Webster  of  the  21st  June,  1842,  as  fol- 
lows: 

I  will  only  here  add  the  most  solpnin  assurance,  which  I 
would  not  liglilly  make,  that,  after  a  long  and  careful  exam- 
ination of  all  the  arguments  and  inferences,  direct  and  cir- 
cumstciutiul,  t)earing  on  the  wliole  of  this  truly  diflicult 
question,  it  is  my  settled  conviction  llmt  it  was  the  intention 
of  the  purlins  to'tlie  treaty  of  peace  of  1783,  however  imper- 
fectly those  intentions  may  have  been  executed,  to  leave  to 
Great  Britain,  by  their  descrijition  of  boundaries,  the  whole 
of  the  wattas  of  the  river  St.  John.—  Page  40. 

And  yet,  after  all  this,  we  are  admonished  by  sen- 
ators to  be  again  quiet  and  jiatient,  as  we  were  whilst 
the  negotiations  wUh  Lord  Ashburton  were  pending, 
and  await  the  result.  If  we  should  continue  to  fol- 
low this  advice,  the  question  will  never  be  settled. 

But,  says  the  senator  from  Massachusetts,  [Mr. 
Choatl,]  it  would  be  disrespectful  to  the  govern- 
ment of  Great  Britain  to  give  the  notice,  immediate- 
ly after  the  arrival  of  their  minister  in  this  country. 
Disrespectful  to  give  a  notice  expressly  provided  for 
by  the  terms  of  the  treaty  itself!  Disrespectful 
when  this  notice  will  produce  no  sudden  and  abrupt 
termination  of  the  treaty,  but  will  leave  it  in  force 
for  another  whole  year!  I  ask,  is  not  this  period 
long  enough  to  complete  a  negotiation  whicn  was 
commenced  twenty-five  years  ago?  My  feeUngs  may 
be  less  sensitive  than  those  of  otlier  gendemen;  and 
tills  may  be  tlie  reason  why  I  cannot  conceive  hovr 


4 


6« 


he  face  of  the 
not  the  British 
eorge  III  him- 
•nry  of  George 
was  given  to 

a  curious  cir- 
hter.]     I  suppose 

Museum  for  the 
end  in  America; 
rding  to  the  new 

liavi)  taken  over 
tliat  lie  had  not  a 


licii  entirely  dc- 
K  Americans,  has 
and  is  now  to  bo 

)  wns  particu- 
cnl  inquiries." 
)swald  himself 
lional  treaty  of 
5nnble  him  to 
hie   remaining 
!  United  States 
lOrd  Brougham 
l)roduced,  tlie 
^  hud  a  leg  to 
y  destroyed  all 
ricans.    I  shall 
ict.    The  sub- 
s.     But  this  I 
the  northeast- 
It  was  ready  to 
)  to  war  in  de- 
■s  knew,  under 
)tally  destitute 

liat  Lord  Ash ! 
ih  title,  during 
was  the  friend 
endeavored  to 
lich  was  true, 
But,  after  all, 
1,  in  his  letter 
1842,  as  fol- 

rance,  which  I 
id  careful  exam- 
,  din!ct  and  cir- 
3  truly  difficult 
as  the  intention 
liowever  imper- 
tod,  to  leave  to 
ries,  the  whole 

ishcd  by  sen- 
e  were  whilst 
I'cre  pending, 
ntinue  to  fol- 

be  settled, 
lusetts,  [Mr. 

the  govern- 
,  immediate- 
Jiis  country, 
provided  for 
Jisrespectfut 
1  and  abrupt 
ve  it  in  force 

this  period 
1  whicn  was 
'eelings  may 
tlemen;  and 
)nceive  how 


'tlie  British  governmrnt  rnuld,  by  possibiiity,  ^in- 
sider the  notice  diHro.spcciriil.  1  Ixur  NcnHil  ,iity 
must  be  cvtrrinc  to  take  oflifncc  at  a  measuro  whii^li, 
by  their  own  Holcmn  agreement,  we  might  have 
ndopted  at  any  tinu'  within  ilic  lint  Hixtcrn  years. 
If,  li,)wcvi'r,  thoy  HJionld  take  odcnco  at  our  adop- 
tion of  till!  very  coin'sc  tidinli'd  out  by  their  own 
Bolcnm  treaty,  let  tlirni,  m  Heaven's  name,  be  of- 
fended. I  .shall  regret  it;  but  niiieli  more  slinll  I  re- 
gret the  lonsr  delay  in  the  adjustment  of  this  (piOH- 
tion,  wliieli  will  inevitably  result  from  our  refusal  to 
give  the  notice.  It  will  never  be  settled  \iiitil 
wo  ('(mviiiee  CJicat  Britain  that  we  are  in  earnest. 
She  will  proceed  in  extending  and  cngro'^sing 
the  trade  of  the  territory  so  long  us  we  shall  consent 
to  leave  her  in  cjiiiet  possession,  jmlienlly  awaiting 
th<?  result.s  of  a  negoti.Ttion.  The  longer'the  delay, 
the  more  essentially  will  her  intorests  be  promoted. 

Here,  sir,  I  migl'f  with  pro]iripty  close  my  argu- 
ment, having  already  said  all  which  apjiropriately 
belongs  to  the  resolution  under  discussion;  but  I 
fee!  myself  boimd  to  examine  some  of  the  positions 
taken  by  the  senator  from  IVlas.saclnisetts.  In  the 
opinion  of  thai  senator,  cvs^n  if  no  treaty  clioiild  lie 
concluded  liy  Mr.  Pnckenham,  it  would  be  wise  to 
continue  the  existing  convention,  unless  circum- 
stances slijill  change.  He  believes  that,  "in  the 
course  of  twenty  years,"  an  agrirulun-al  ]iopula- 
tioii  from  the  United  Statc."^  wo\ild  gradually  and 
peacefully  spread  itself  over  tin;  Territory  of  Ore- 
gon— "the  lumterH  of  the  Hudson  Bay  com- 
pany would  all  pas.s  off  to  the  desert,  where  their 
objects  of  puisuit  were  foiuid,  and  ihe  country  would, 
without  astrnggle,  be  our.s."  Enghuul  had  no  inten- 
tion of  coionizing  Oregon,  and  the  .senator  .saw  noth- 
ing in  her  policy  which  would  incline  her  to  inter- 
pose obstacles  to  this  natural  (bourse  of  events. 
*'No  doubt,  if  we  provoked  and  made  war  upon  her, 
she  would  do  it;  but  if  we  would  but  enter  the 
territory  prudently  and  silently,  with  the  plough- 
share and  the  pruning  hook,  he  could  not  see  "the 
least  probability  that  .she  wotild  interfere  to  prevent 
us."  If  we  should  send  hunters  or  trappers  there 
to  interfere  with  their  monopoly,  the  Hudson  Bay 
company  might  take  offence.  "But  should  we  go 
there  honafide  as  farmers,  wishing  only  to  till  the 
Boil,  he  had  no  doubt  that,  in  twenty  years,  that 
great  hunting  corporation,  like  one  of  O.-sian'Hghosts, 
would  roll  itself  off  to  the  north  and  northeast,  and 
seek  that  great  desert  which  was  adapted  to  its  piu-- 
suits  and  objects."  England  had  no  intention  cf 
colonizing  the  territory;  and,  to  use  his  own  strong 
figure,  "no  more  idea  of  establishing  an  a-jricultu- 
ral  colony  in  Oregon  than  .she  had  of  ploughing  and 
planting  tlie  dome  of  St.  Paul's." 

I  shall  briefly  examine  these  positions  of  the 
honorable  senator;  .nnd  when  subjected  to  the  scru- 
tiny of  sober  reason,  co  what  do  tliey  amount.'  What 
is  their  intrinsic  value.'  They  are,  poetry,  and 
nothing  but  poetry — expressed,  to  be  siut,  M-ith 
that  sj)lcndor  of  diction  for  which  the  senator  is  so 
highly  distinguished,  and  which,  in  it.self,  possesses 
so  much  of  poetic  beauty.  But,  after  all,  they  are 
mere  pocty.  What,  in  fact,  has  the  senator  recom- 
mended.' A  policy  which  will  not  stand  the  test  of 
the  slightest  examination — a  ^wlicy  to  which  such  a 
corporation  as  the  British  Hudson  Bay  company 
will  never  submit.  We  are  to  steal  into  Oregon 
quietly,  with  the  ploughshare  and  the  pruning  hook; 
and  then,  notwithstanding  by  our  agricultural  set- 
tlements we  shall  most  effectually  destroy  and 
drive  away  all  the  game  which  forms  the  very  sub- 


stance of  that  eomnany'H  wealth,  the  company  will 
take  no  offence,  aixl  interpose  neither  resistance  nor 
obstacle  to  our  p'". ceding !  Not  at  all;  we  may 
progress  peacefully  and  prudently,  initii  we  shall 
have  converted  all  their  himting  i^rounds  into  fruit- 
ful fields;  and  then  that  ancient  and  |H)W(M-ful  monop- 
oly will  retire  like  one  of  Ossian's  ghosts,  rolling 
itself  off  into  its  kindred  deserts  of  the  North  !  It 
is  true  that  this  mercenary  and  blood-Litiiincd  corpo- 
ration has  already  murdered  betwee'ii  four  and  nve 
hundred  of  our  citizens,  who  ventured  intr)  Oregon 
Cor  the  pnrriose  merely  of  sharing  with  them  the 
hunting  an(l  trapping  of  the  beaver;  yet  they  will 
not  take  tin;  least  lunbrage,  if  we  shall  enter  the 
territory  with  plough  and  pruning  hook,  in  such 
minibers  as  to  destroy  their  hunting  and  trai»|)ing 
altogdherl  These  u.iforiunatc  men  did  but  attempt 
to  hunt  the  beaver,  a;  they  had  a  right  to  do  under 
the  treaty  of  joint  o 'cupation,  and  it  cost  them 
their  lives;  but  yet,  if  iH  the  Ix  aver  and  other  game 
shall  be  driven  from  t!ie  country  by  our  .settlements, 
this  will  idl  be  very  well,  and  the  company  will 
never  raise  a  finger  to  prevent  its  own  destruction! 
Should  this  be  its  couise,  the  Hudson  Bay  company 
will  prove  itsfjlf  to  b'  the  most  disinterested  and 
mngnanimous  monopoly  of  which  1  have  ever 
heard  or  read  in  all  my  life.  Trading  compiuiies 
are  almost  universal iy  governed  by  an  exclusive 
view  to  their  own  ii  terest.  To  suppose  for  a  mo- 
ment that  this  vast  trading  asssociation,  with  all  its 
hunters  and  dependa  its,  will  gradually  retire,  with 
their  faces,  I  presume,  to  oin-  advancing  settlements, 
is  one  of  the  most  extraordinary  notions  that  1 
have  heard  in  this  clamber.  And  this  is  the  mode 
whereby  the  senator  kvill  preserve  the  peace  between 
the  two  nations,  and  at  the  same  time  acrpiire  pos- 
session of  the  territory! 

Now,  Mr.  Preside  it,  I  assert  that  Great  Britain 
has  never  inanifesteil  a  more  determined  purpose,  in 
the  whole  cour.se  of  her  eventful  history,  than  to 
hold  and  retain  the  i  orthern  bank  of  the  Columbia 
river,  with  a  harbor  at  its  mouth.  Why,  sir,  she 
already  affects  to  consider  the  northern  bank  of  this 
river  as  her  own,  w  lilst  she  graciously  concedes  the 
southern  as  belonging  to  the  United  States.  In  Ore- 
gon, these  linnks  oi"  the  stream  are  familiarly  and 
currently  spoken  of  as  "the  British  side"  and  "the 
American  side."  Let  any  of  our  citizens  attempt 
to  make  a  settlement  north  of  that  river,  and  we 
shall  soon  learn  his  fate;  we  shall  soon  hear,  if  noth- 
ing Moi-sc,  that  hii  has  been  driven  away.  I  be- 
lieve that  but  one  American  settlement  has  ever  been 
attempted  north  nf  the  Columbia;  and  this  is  a  small 
Catliolic  establisl  ment  which  nobody  woidd  ever 
think  of  disturbitig.  In  this  course.  Great  Britain 
dis|)lays  her  deep  policy  and  her  .settled  purpose. 
Thrice  has  she  rffered  to  divide  the  territory,  and 
make  the  t  ohm  bia  the  line  between  the  two  na- 
tions, and  thrice  has  her  offer  been  rejected.  It  is 
now  evidently  her  design  to  make  the  possession  of 
the  territory  conform  to  her  proposition  for  its  di- 
vision, yicldini.'  the  southern  bank  to  us,  and  re- 
taining the  northern  for  herself;  and  every  moment 
thatwesubmi.  to  this  allotment  will  but  serve  to 
strengthen  hei  claim. 

Even  when  Astoria  was  restored  to  the  United 
States,  in  Oct.iber,  1818,  under  the  treaty  of  Ghent, 
Cxreat  Britain,  in  opposition  to  this  her  own  .solemn 
act,  protester  that  slie  had  the  title  to  the  territory, 
though  it  do:s  not  appear  that  this  protest  was  ever, 
in  point  of  f  ict,  communicated  to  our  government. 
During  the  progress  of  the  negotiation  in  1818, 


! 


! 


which  preceded  the  existing  treaty  of  joint  occu- 
pancy, our  f^overnrncnt  pruposcd  timt  the  pnmllct  of 
forty-nine  decrees  of  north  latitude,  which  iHtlic  boun- 
dary of  the  two  countricB  cast  of  the  llocky  nioun- 
twins,  shouUI  bo  extended  as  their  boundary  west  to 
the  Pacific  oceun.  What  wwh  the  answer?  "The 
British  nc^otiutorB  did  not  make  luiy  formal  proposi- 
tion for  a  boundary,  but  intinialcd  that  tlic  river  it- 
self was  the  most  convenient  that  could  be  adopted; 
and  that  they  would  not  uijrec  to  any  that  did  not 
pive  them  the  harbor  at  the  mouth  of  tlu^  river  in 
common  with  the  United  State.s."  lias  Great  Brit- 
ain ever  departed  from  this  declaration?  JMo,  .sir, 
never.  On  the  contrary,  the  as.seition  of  her  claim 
lias  become  stronger  and  .stronfi!;er  with  each  suc- 
ceedinc;  year. 

Tliis  Nulijcct  was  n^ain  dii^cus.'^cd  in  the  negotia- 
tion of  1824.  Mr.  Iliish  ai^ain  as.serled  our  title 
to  tlie  4'Jlli  decree  of  latitude,  in  stronii;  and  def'i(h"(l 
t^'rms;  but  it  was  as  stroui^ly  and  decidedly  ojiposcd 
by  the  British  I'lenipotentiaries.  All  that  tliey  would 
consent  to  do  was  to  run  the  4fJlii  parallel  nC  hilitud*' 
west,  from  the  summit  of  the  Rocky  mountains, 
iiniil  it  should  .strike  llu;  northern  branch  of  the  Co- 
lumbia, and  from  thence  down  the  course  of  the 
river  to  the  ocean.  This  proposition  was  promjtt- 
ly  rejected  by  Mr.  Rush;  and  in  writing  home  to 
the  Department  of  Slate,  he  stated  that  they  had  de- 
clared more  tiian  once,  at  the  closin;;^  hours  of  the 
negotiation,  'Hlial  llie  botindary  marked  out  in  their 
oivn  jrroposal,  icus  une  from  u-hicli  the  government  of 
the  United  tSlutes  must  not  expect  Great  liritain  to  de- 

Again,  for  the  tliird  time,  previously  to  tlie  treaty 
of  1827,  we  repeated  our  offer  to  divide  the  comitry 
with  Great  Britain  by  tlu;  forty-ninth  parallel  of  lat- 
itude; and  she  again  rejected  our  propo.sition;  md 
again  offered  to  make  the  river  the  boundary,  the  na  v  i- 
gation  of  it  to  remain  forever  free  and  common  to 
both  nations.  In  making  this  offer,  her  negotia- 
tors declared  that  there  could  be  no  reci[)rocal  with- 
drawal from  actual  occupation,  as  there  was  not, 
and  never  had  been,  a  single  American  citizen  set- 
tled north  of  the  Columbia.  In  refusing  our  prop^ 
osition,  they  used  language  still  stronger  than  they 
had  ever  done  before;  again  declaring  that  it  must 
not  be  expected  they  would  ever  relinquish  the  claim 
which  they  had  asserted. 

Thus  it  appears  that,  in  1818,  we  offered  to  es- 
tablish the  49th  degree  as  our  nortliern  boundary;  in 
1824,  we  repeated  the  offer;  and  in  1827,  we  again 
repeated  the  same  proposal;  but  on  each  ocaision, 
it  was  absolutely  refused.  Our  minister,  in  obedi- 
ence to  his  instructions,  after  this  last  refusal,  sol- 
emnly declareil  to  the  British  plenijiotentiaries  that 
the  Amerimn  Government  would  never  thereafter 
hold  itself  bound  to  agree  to  the  line  which  had 
been  proposed  and  rejected;  but  would  consider  itself 
at  liberty  to  contend  for  the  full  extent  of  the  claims 
of  the  United  States.  The  British  plenipotentiaries 
made  a  similar  declaration,  in  terms  equally  strong, 
that  they  would  never  consider  the  British  govern- 
ment bound  to  agree  to  the  line  which  they  had  pro- 
posed; and  these  mutual  protests  were  recorded  in 
due  form  on  the  protocols  of  the  negotiation.  Thus. 
thank  Heaven,  we  arc  now  relieved  from  the  embar- 
rassing position  in  which  we  had  placed  ourselves, 
and  are  no  longer  trammeled  by  our  former  proposi- 
tions. We  shall  hereafter  as.sert  our  claim  to  the 
full  extent  of  our  right.  We  shall  no  longer  limit 
ourselves  to  the  49th  parallel  of  latitude;  but  shall 
insist  upon  extending  our   boundary  north  to  54°] 


40';  which  is  the  treaty  line  between  Rua^ia  and  tk< 
United  Suites. 

To  suppose  that  Great  Britain,  after  these  solemt 
assertions  of  her  title,  and  these  strong  declaration 
that  she  would  never  aliandon  it,  will  viduntarilj 
and  quietly  retire  from  the  possession  of  the  whol^ 
northwest  coast  of  America;  that  she  will  surrende 
the  straits  of  I3e  Fuca,  the  only  good  harbor  on  thii: 
coast,  between  the  49th  degree  of  latitude  and  Sain 
I'Vancisco,  iu  lalitudf!  'AT^  48';  that  she  will  yield  U( 
this  entire  territory,  the  possession  of  wiiich  can 
alone  Kc<;ure  t(»  her  the  command  of  tiie  north  Facifi' 
and  the  trade  of  eastern  Asia,  and,  through  this 
trade,  her  inlluencc  over  China;  that  she  will  aban- 
don her  valuable  fur  trade,  and  all  this  feriile  anil 
salubrious  country,  and  fly  to  the  noillieiri  deserts.-, 
before  tin;  advance  of  our  farmerH,  with  ilieir  plough- 
shares and  pruning  hooks,  whom  we  are  afraiil  tn 
cover  with  the  protection  of  our  Hag,  lest  this  mighi 
give  her  oH'ence; — to  suppose  all  this,  is  surely  to 
imagine  the  most  impossible  ol'  all  im|iossibilities 
I''r()ni  the  day  that  Sir  Alexander  McKen/.io  fir.'jl 
set  his  foot  upon  the  territory,  until  this  very  day, 
the  jiroceedings  of  Great  Britain  in  regard  t(»  the  re- 
gion west  of  the  Rocky  mountains  have  been  uni- 
form and  consislc'iit.  She  has  never  faltered  for  a 
single  moment  in  her  course.  She  has  proclaimed 
beforf!  the  world  her  right  to  settle  and  colonize  it, 
and  from  this  claim  she  has  never  varied  or  depart- 
ed: and  yet  we  are  now  to  be  told  that  she  will,  allot 
a  sudden,  change  her  policy,  and  retire  belbre  th-- 
American  squatters  who  may  lind  their  way  into 
Oregon  without  law,  without  a  government,  and 
without  protection! 

And  all  this,  too,  in  the  very  face  of  what  occur- 
red during  the  negotiation  of  the  Ashburtoii  treaty. 
Our  northwestern  boundary  not  only  forms  no  part 
of  this  treaty;  but  that  important  subject  is  not  even 
alluded  to  throughout  the  whole  correspondence. 
We  had  a  correspondence  between  Lord  Ashburton 
and  Mr.  Webster  on  the  Creole  question,  on  the 
Caroline  question,  on  the  doctrine  of  impressment, 
and  on  the  right  of  search;  but  it  appears  that  this 
Oregon  question  was  found  to  be  so  utterly  incapa- 
ble of  adjustment,  that  even  the  attempt  was  entirely 
abandoned.  We  are  told  by  the  President,  in  his 
message  transmitting  the  treaty,  that,  "after  sundry 
informal  communications  with  e  British  minister 
upon  the  subject  of  the  claims  of  the  two  countries 
to  territory  west  of  the  llocky  mounUiins,  so  little 
probability  was  found  to  exist  of  coming  to  any 
agreement  on  that  subject  at  ])resent,  that  it  was  not 
thought  expedient  to  make  it  one  of  the  subjects  of 
formal  negotiation,  to  be  entered  upon  between  this 
government  and  the  British  minister,  as  part  of  his 
duties  under  his  special  mission."  Thus  it  appears 
that,  at  so  late  a  period  as  the  year  1842,  the  claims 
of  Great  Britain  were  found  to  be  so  utterly  irrecon- 
cilable with  the  just  rights  of  the  United  States,  that 
all  attempts  to  adjust  the  question  by  treaty  were 
abandoned  in  despair. 

Had  I  been  the  negotiator  of  the  late  treaty,  ) 
.should  have  endeavored  to  melt  the  iron  heart  of  his 
lordship.  I  would  have  said  to  him:  "You  have 
obtained  all  that  your  heart  can  desire  in  the  adjust- 
ment of  the  northeastern  boundary;  will  you,  then, 
return  home  without  settling  any  of  the  other  im- 
portant questions  in  dispute?  Nay,  more,  will  you 
leave  even  the  boundary  question  but  half  settled? 
At  least,  let  us  adjust  the  whole  questitm  of  boun- 
dary— that  in  the  northwest  as  well  as  tlie  northeast. 
Permanent  peace  and  friendship  between   tlie  two 


BatiotiM  IS 

jeave  a  qu 

importanc 

serous  chi 

H  question 

may  prod 

proJ1iliou^ 

liiiu  (omn 

the  two  CI 

improved 

turn." 

What 
nicjitions 
in  relaiioi 
never  be 


! 


Rusdia  and  t},, 

'ter  tficse  solemr 
•np  dccltirationi 
wilJ  VdJuntarih 
»n  of  the  who), 
will  surrendr 
I  liarhdi-  on  thii: 
litiidf  nrul  Saji, 
li(!  will  yield  uj 
>  of  wliich  car 
Im  Dortli  Pacifi. 
|l,    tliroii^h    tills 
t  nIic  will  abaii- 
f'li'^  Inrlile  anil 
[>illir;n    deserif.'. 
illiili(;ir|.J(ii|i,|,. 
|wf  arc  ufniidto 
If'st  ihi,s  iniglii 
>;',  IN  surely  t,, 
iin|io.ssiljiliti,if, 
uMi'K(!iiy.io  fir.'jt 
this  vrry   day, 
irard  to  the  re- 
liivi!  iicfti   uni- 
(itllcied  for  (I 
HIS  prnclainie(i 
iiiii  colonize  it, 
u'lcd  or  dfipnrt- 
'  siic  will,  all  oj 
lin;    belbre  th" 
tlieir  way  into 
)vernnicnt,  and 

>f  what  occur- 
Ijurtoii   treaty. 

'orins  no  part 
if^ct  is  not  even 
urrespondcncc. 
■»rd  Ashliurton 
estion,  on  the 

impressment, 
lears  that  tliis 
tterly   incapa- 
)t  was  entirely 
Psident,  in  his 
'after  sundry 
'i«li   niinisfer 
tvyo  countries 
ains,  so  little 
>minf,'  to  any 
lat  it  was  not 
e  su!)jects  of 
between  thiw 
as  part  of  his 
IS  it  appears 
2,  the  claims 
cily  irrecon- 
I  "States,  that 
treaty    were 

ite  treaty,  ) 

heart  of  his 
"You  Jiave 
I  tiie  adjust- 

you,  then, 
'  other  ini- 
p,  will  you 
lalf  settled? 
1  of  boun- 
!  northeast, 
n  the  two 


nationo  in  the  ardent  de.Nire  of  us  both;  why,  then, 
Jbqvc  a  qucBlion  urmeiiled  which  is  of  much  greater 
■Importance,  and  conseiiuently  of  a  much  more  dan- 
^erouR  character,  than  the  northcastcm  boundary — 
A  question  which  contairm  within  its(!lf  elements  that 
may  produce  war  at  no  distiuit  period.  This  is  the 
propitiouH  monii'iit  for  cndinf^  all  our  difncuiticH, 
lulu  commencing  a  new  era  of  good  feeling  bctwi'cn 
the  two  countries.  Let  us  not  suflTer  it  to  escajie  un- 
improved— to  pass  away,  it  may  be,  never  to  re- 
turn." 

What  the  nature  of  these  "informal  (ommu- 
nicalions  with  the  British  minister"  may  have  been 
in  relation  to  the  Oregon  Territory,  will  probiil)ly 
never  be  known  to  the  jieople  of  this  counlry.  No 
protocol — no  record — was  made  of  the  conferences 
of  the  negotiators.  Their  tracks  were  traced  upon 
the  sand,  and  the  returning  tide  has  efliu-cd  ibeni 
forever.  We  shall  never  know  what  passed  be- 
tween them  on  this  subject,  unless  Lord  Ashl)ur- 
ton's  desiiati'hes  to  his  own  government  shall  be 
published,  which  is  not  at  all  jirobable.  1  have  no 
doubt  they  contain  a  full  record  of  the  confereiu'cs; 
because  it  is  the  duty  of  every  responsible  foreign 
mini.ster  to  communicate  to  his  own  government  a 
perfect  history  of  idl  that  occurs  throughout  his 
negotiations.  I  should  be  exceedingly  curious  to 
know  what  were  these  extravagant  pretensions  of 
llie  Hriiish  government  in  regard  to  Oregon,  which 
rendered  all  negotiation  on  the  subject  impossible. 

it  is  more  than  probable  tliat  Mr.  Webster  again 
offered  to  Lord  Ashburton  to  establish  the  forly- 
ninth  parallel  of  latitude  as  the  boundary  between 
the  two  nations  west  of  the  ilocky  mountains.  1 
infer  this  from  the  fact  that  the  senator  from  Massa- 
chusetts, [Mr.  CiioATE,]  in  reply  to  the  senator 
from  Missouri,  [Mr.  Bkntov,]  at  the  last  session 
of  Congrcs.1,  had  assured  him  that  Mr.  Webster 
had  never  "offered  a  boundary  line  seuth  of  the 
parallel  of  forty-nine;"  that  he  [Mr.  Choate]  "was 
authorized  and  desired  to  declare  that,  in  no  com- 
munication, formal  or  informal,  was  such  an  offer 
made,  and  none  such  was  ever  meditated."  Wlxn 
it  had  thus  been  authoritatively  and  solemnly  de- 
clared that  Mr.  Webster  had  never  offered  to  es- 
tablish any  boundary  .south  of  forty-nine,  (which  I 
was  glad  to  hear,)  it  appears  to  me  to  be  a  legiti- 
mate inference  that  lie  had  offered  to  establish  that 
parallel  as  the  b-^undary.  The  senator  from  Massa- 
chusetts can,  hotvever,  doubtless  explain  what  is 
the  true  state  of  the  ease. 

Here  Mr.  Choatf.  asked  whether  Mr.  Bucuavan 
desired  him  to  explain  now,  or  wait  till  the  senator 
should  have  concluded  his  remarks. 

Mr.  RucriAKAN  preferring  the  latter  course,  Mr. 
Choate  promised  to  make  the  explanation,  and  re- 
tained his  seat. 

But  the  honorable  gentleman  has  assured  the  Sen- 
ale  that  Great  Britain  does  not  intend  to  colonize  in 
Oregon — no,  no  more  than  she  intends  to  colonize  the 
dome  of  St.  Paul's.  And  what  arc  the  arguments 
by  which  he  has  attempted  to  support  this  position? 
Why,  the  senator  has  cturefully  examined  all  the 
Biitish  projects  for  colonization  since  the  year  182fi; 
£md  he  find's  that  whilst  they  have  been  establishing 
colonies  every  where  else  around  the  globe,  not  a 
word  has  ever  been  hinted  in  relation  to  a  colony  in 
Oregon.  And  does  not  the  .senator  perceive  how 
very  easy  it  is  to  answer  such  an  argument?  Great 
Britain  could  not  have  colonized  in  Oregon  without 
violating  her  own  plighted  faith  to  the  Hudson  Bay 
company,    In  December,  1821,  she  had  leased  to 


that  company  the  wliolc  of  this  territory  (or  tl"^ 
term  tif  twenty-one  years,  and  she  could  not  haTc 
set  her  foot  upon  it  witliout  infringing  their  charter- 
ed rights. 

What,  sir!  Great  Britain  not  colonize?  She  mual 
colonize.  This  is  the  indispensable  condition  of  her 
iixistence.  She  has  utterly  failed  to  impress  upoii 
other  nations  her  theoretical  doctrines  I'f  free  trade; 
whilst  she  excludes  from  her  own  ports  every  for- 
eign article  which  she  can  herself  pniduce  in  sufB- 
cient  quantities  to  supply  the  demand  of  her  own 
people.  The  nations  of  the  continent  of  I''urop«'  ait* 
now  idl  manufacturing  for  theinselve.i.  Their  mnr- 
kcts  arc  nearly  idl  closed  against  her.  She  now  en- 
joys nothing  like  free  trade  with  any  of  these  nationw. 
We  arc  now,  I  believe,  the  only  civilized  peoph, 
on  earth  wiiere  free  trade  doctrines  prevail  to  any 
great  extent.  The  Zoll-Veiein,  or  commercial 
league  of  Gernumy,  have  rer*  ntly  adopted  a  tarift' 
of  duties  which  must  elTectually  exclude  her  manu- 
factures t'nmi  their  ports.  The  whole  world  are  fusi 
adojiting  Bonaparte's  continental  system  against  Jier, 
and  all  the  n.itions  of  Christendom  seem  determined 
to  encourage  their  own  labor  and  to  manufacture  for 
themselves.  Under  these  ciirumstanres.  Great 
Britain,  in  her  own  defence,  must  colonize.  Sht 
must  provide;  a  market  of  her  own  for  her  manufac- 
tures; or  inevitable  destruction  awaits  theai. 
Wherever  she  can  acquire  earth  enough  to  plant  « 
man  who  who  will  purchase  and  consunKi  her  pn>- 
ductions, — her  cotton,  her  woollen,  and  her  nnnr 
fabrics, — there  she  inii.st  acquire  it  for  the  purpo.se  of 
extending  her  home  market.  She  cannot  existwith- 
out  colonization.  This  is  the  ver>f  law  of  her  pf»- 
liti(uil  beinjr.  To  imagine,  therefore,  that  she  is 
about  to  abandon  the"  claim  to  colonize  Oregon 
without  a  stn.ggle,  is  to  imagine  what"  .^cems  to  me- 
to  be  very  strange,  not  to  say  impossible.  It  is  very 
true  that  she  has  not  yet,  on  her  own  account,  com- 
menced the  process  of  colonization  in  that  region; 
but  judging  from  the  mo.st  authentic  facts,  we  can  no 
longer  doubt  what  are  her  intentions. 

1  have  already  stated  that,  in  1821,  Great  Britain 
had  leased  to  the  Hudson  Bay  company  the  Ter- 
ritory of  Oregon  for  the  term  of  twenty-one  years- 
On  the  30th  May,  1H3S,  this  lease  was  extended  by 
a  new  lease  for  another  period  of  twenty-one  years 
from  its  date.  The  existence  of  this  last  grant  was 
entirely  unknown  to  me  until  within  the  last  few 
days.  When  I  mentioned  the  subject  in  conversa- 
tion to  the  senator  from  Massachusetts,  he  informed 
me  that  he  had  seen  the  new  lease,  and  kindly  offer- 
ed to  procure  it  for  me,  remarking  at  the  same  time 
that  he  had  intended  to  mention  the  fact  in  the  course 
of  his  remarks;  but  had  omitted  to  do  so  in  the 
hurry  of  speaking.  That  such  was  his  intention  1 
have  not  the  leant  reason  to  doubt. 

The  correspondence  of  the  company's  agents  with 
the  British  government  immediately  previous  to  the 
last  lease,  is  in  the  highest  degree  worthy  of  the  at- 
tention and  solemn  consideration  of  the  Senate. 

In  this  correspondence  with  Lord  Glinelg,  they 
recounted  all  that  the  company  liad  done  for  the 
British  government  as  a  reason  why  their  license 
ought  to  be  extended.  They  boast  of  having  suc- 
ceeded, "after  a  se'-'crc  and  expensive  competition,, 
in  establishing  these  settlements,  and  obtaining  a  dc- 
'■••'ed  superiority,  if  not  an  exclusive  enjoyment  of 
ii  ,  rdde — the  Americans  having  almost  withdrawri 
from  the  coast."  They  inform  his  lordship  that 
"the  company  now  occupy  the  country  between 
the  Rocky  mountains  and  tlie  Pacific  by  six  perma- 


8 


I 


ncnl  csUihlislimcntu  on  llic  coast,  sixiron  in  tlic  in- 
lorior  coniitry,  iin.sidcM  wcvcnil  n\i;;riili)ry  iiiiil  liiiiil- 
inc;  partifs;  iiiiil  they  maintain  a  marine  of  Nix 
tirnird  vfSNoIs — one  of  iht  ni  anli'am  vcf-s'l — on  tlic 
conHl."  At  ladi  of  tl.c^■o  rNiahlislumtils,  I  bclifv*', 
indeed  I  may  say  llwil  %vc  know,  tiny  liavf  ( irricd 
Htockadi^  forts;  aUliouijii  if  tliiH  fact,  he  mentiont  d  in 
the  corrcsiiondcnce,  il  iiascMcapcd  my  ohsrrvation. 
In  the  nrijriiiiurhood  of  Foit  Vain  (Hiv<t,  winch  is 
llieir  principal  eslabhshrncnt,  tiicy  Ntalc  tiie  fact, 
that  "tiiey  liavc  hiri:;e  pa.Uure  and  }^raiii  farms,  af- 
fording^ most  abnndantly  every  Hpecies  of  ajj;ricnl- 
tural  piodnce,  aiul  mainiiiininf;  lars;;e.  jierds  of  stock 
of  every  description;  tlusse  have  lie<'n  ;;radnally  es- 
tahhsiied;  and  il  is  liie  int(iiti(Mi  oftiie-  comnany 
Ntill  furllicr,  not  only  to  aui^mcnt  and  iner(;as(!  tin  in, 
to  cstahhsli  an  export  trade  in  wool,  tallow,  lii(l(  s. 
ttiid  other  a^niciiltnral  iiroduce,  Imt  to  enco\ira£;e  the 
settlement  ot"  their  retired  servants  and  other  emi- 
grants under  their  protection.'"  Tliey  represent 
"the  soil,  climate,  and  otlier  eircnmslances  of  the 
country"  to  he  "as  much,  if  not  more,  adapted  to 
ngriculliiral  pursuits  tlian  any  other  spot  in  Ameri- 
ca." And  iliey  express  the  eonfident  hi,,ie  tiiat, 
"with  care  and  jirotectioii,  the  liritlsli  doinhiion  mmj 
not  odIij  hr  priscnril  in  this  cduntry,  M'li'uli  il  luts  hi  in 
so  mwli  Ihi  irisli  (it'Iiuisia  and  Jlmtricu  to  occvixj  to  the 
excluMonof  Jiritish  siibJLcts,*l)ul  Bnlisk  interest  and 
British  injhicnrr  niuij  ht  mttintained  as  pnraniuunlin 
this  intereslini^  pari  of  the  cuust  of  the  Parific.''^ 

The  extracts  which  I  have  just  read  are  from  the' 
letter  of  J.  Pelly,  e.sf).  i:;overnor  of  the  Hudson  Hay 
company,  to  Lord  Gleneljj,  the  Dritisli  colonial  Sec- 
retary of  Slate,  dated  at  London  on  the  lOtli  Feb- 
ruary, 1S;)7,  applyinji;  for  an  extension  of  their 
lease  Among  the  jiapera  submitted  to  tlie  British 
government  upon  this  occasioi,  is  a  letter  from 
Gcora;e  Sim)ison,  esq.  to  Governor  Pelly.  dated  at 
London  on  the  1st  fobruary,  1837.  Mv.  Simpson 
is  the  superintendent  of  .he  company's  afl'airs  in 
North  America;  and,  from  his  knowledge  of  the 
country,  any  infdrinalion  wliich  he  communicates 
is   entitled  to  the  highest  consideration. 

1  beg  the  Senate  to  ponder  well  what  he  says  in 
this  letter  in  regard  to  that  portion  of  Oregon  be- 
tween the  Columbia  river  and  the  49th  degree  of 
north  latitude,  which  tlic  British  government  have 
so  often  ex])ressed  tlieir  determination  to  liold;  and 
then  ask  themselves  whetlicr  they  can,  for  a  mo- 
ment, suppose  that  Great  Britain  will  voJuntarily 
recede  from  its  possession  before  our  agricultural 
population: 

The  country  (snys  Mr.  Simi^son)  sitiinted  between  the 
north<'in  tinuk  of  tlic  t'oliirnbia  liv-r,  wliioli  cni|)ties  itsoll' 
into  the  i'a^'ific,  in  hitituilc  10  dug.  MO  min.,  and  tlic  ioiuheni 
bank  of  Kra/cr's  riviT,  which  cniptics  itself  into  tiic  Gulf  of 
Georgia,  in  latitude  4;»  dui?.,  is  roiiiarkabli;  for  tliC  salubrity 
of  its  cliniato  and  cxccUuncc  of  its  soil,  and  possesses,  with- 
in the  straits  of  Dc  Kiica,  sonit;  of  the  linest  harliors  in  the 
world,  being  iirotcclcd  from  the  wcis^ht  of  the  I'aoilic  hy 
A'anconvcr's  and  other  islands.  To  the  southward  of  the 
Btn'its  of  Do  Kuca,  situated  in  latitude  18  dec;.  37  niin  ,  tlieie 
is  no  ^ood  harbor  neoier  than  the  l^ay  of  hi.  Irancisco,  in 
latitudi- 1)7  (Up;.  48  niin.,  as  the  broad,  shifting  bar  oft'  the 
mouth  of  the  (olumliia,  and  the  tortuous  channel  through 
it,  render  the  entrance  of  that  river  a  very  dangerous  .lavi- 
gation  even  to  vessels  of  small  draft  of  water. 

The  possession  of  that  country  to  Great  Britain  may  be- 
come an  object  of  very  great  iiniiortanoe,  and  we  are 
strengthening  their  claim  to  it  (independent  of  the  claim  of 
prior  discovery  and  occupation  for  the  purjiose  of  Indian 
trade)  I'y  forming  the  nucleus  of  a  colony  through  tlu^  es- 
taldishini  nt  of  farnis,  and  tlie  settlement  of  some  of  our  re- 
tiring oflicers  and  servants  as  agriculturists. 

These  communications,  from  the  governor  and 
•uperintendent  of  the  Hudson  Bay  company,  urging 


nn  extension  of  their  licenHc  or  lea.ip,  were  f«Tora*oloni/.*tion 
biy  received  by  the  British  government;  but  Lordr^enn  pow 
(ilenelg  inform.s  them,  in  his  reply,  that  the  goYiVlntion  of  I 
eminent  mimtresrrve  to  itsell",  in  the  new  grant,  ihoretnmentH,  i 
privilege  ofestablishing  colonies  on  any  jiortion  ofjjjht  whate 
the  territory.  To  use  his  own  language,  "it  will  bi-.nlof  new  c 
indispennalih^  to  introduce  into  the  new  ehartiT  such  |he  Amerii' 
ciiiiditions  as  may  enable  her  Majesty  to  grant, ^itrvw  more  '' 
the  put  pose  of  sittleinenl  or  ridonization,  any  of  lliuation,  as  1 
lands  eom|)ri.sed  in  il."  This  was  the  express  con^eipeeling  ih 
diiiiin  of  the  grant;  and,  upon  these  terms,  the  coni--nbia  and  ll^ 
pany  accepted  its  new  license.  The  reservation  <iintittlly  objei 
the  right  to  coloiii/.e  is  written  in  tin:  cli.arest  andfct  of  inlufi 
strongest  terms  upon  the  face  of  this  charter.  Neeireal  /Jri/(<it») 
I  add  another  word  for  the  jnirpose  of  proving  thai.nl." 
the  British  government  do  not  intend  to  abandoiiThus,  sir, 
this  c(uintry,  but  that  it  is  their  purpose-  to  estalilislient  openly 
colonies  in  it.'  This  is  an  important  fact,  whielianding  t'"^ 
proves  beyond  a  dmibt  that  we  must  speedily  mani-;ttleand  coU 
test  a  deiermination  to  assert  our  rights,  and  inakirely  withou 
a  stand  for  the  portion  of  this  territory  north  of  tlnell  founded 
Columbia,  in  a  ditl'erent  manner  from  that  propo-sediey  have  n 
by  till- senator  from  Mnssiu'liusetts,  or  con.scnt  tci)lonic8  wlii< 
t\baiiilon  it  forever.  pon  tiii«  P 

i5ut  the  senator  from  Massachusetts  has  informcd.ghtfl  whicli 
us  that  the  present  treaty  of  joint  occupati(jn  mayy  "use,_  oci 
continue  for  an  indefinite  period — "ten  thousand ecomcs  of  I 
years" — witliout  being  in  tiic  least  degree  prejudiciul-eaty  may 
to  our  title;  but  that  the  moment  wc  shall  give  no- ut being  p>'< 
tice,  and  break  up  the  convention,  the  advcr.se  pos-rgunient  in 
ses'  .:  of  Great  Britain  will  then  commence,  and. arty,  so  far 
i  her  cl-.iims  will  grow  struiiger  with  each  succcedini;t. Under  tin 
year.  I  admit,  in  theory,  the  soundness  of  the  prop- he  riglit  to 
osition,  that  \vhilsl  the  treaty  continues,  British  nos-t  could  not 
session  cannot  inpire  our  title.  But  docs  England  juire  no  till 
admit  the  correctiicss'of  this  our  interpretation  of  the  ished. 


U 


treaty?     Far,  very  far  from  it.     Their  construction  nmction  ol 
of  this  treaty,  and   their  conduct  under  its  proviH--,oionize  the 
ions,  have  always  been   widely  diflereiit   from  our  insists  upon 
own.     We  have  under.stood  it  ui  one  manner,  andtions,  she 
they  in  another  entirely  opposite.  Hutlson  La 

Previous  to  the  treaty  of  1818,  Messrs.  Gallatin  extent, 
and  Rush,  in  their  correspondence  with  the  plenino-  And  whi 
teiuiaries  of  the  British  government,  proposed  tliai  We  hud  a  i 
the  country  on  the  northwest  coast  of  America  at  the  mo 
claimed  by  either  party  should  "6e  opcnedfor  Ike  pur-  violate  the 
poses  of  trade  to  the  inhabitants  of  both  countries."  she  has  ere 
Now,  if  these  words  "for  the  purposes  of  trade"  had  we  though 
been  inserted  in  the  treaty  itself,  no  room  would  establish  i 
have  been  left  for  British  cavil;  but  unfortunately  for  the  p 
they  were  omitted;  and  the  treaty  declares  generally  passage  ot 
tiiat  the  country  .shall  be  open  to  the  vessels,  citi-  tut  no;  t 
zens,  and  subjects  of  the  two  powers,  without  deft-  faith;  mm 
ning  or  limiting  the  purposes  for  which  it  shall  be  agency  ot 
oiiciicd.  And  how  have  the  British  government  hi- 
terpreled  this  treaty.'  Precisely  as  though  it  had 
been  expressly  agreed  that  both  parties,  instead  of 
being  confinetl  to  hunting,  fishing,  and  trading  with 
the  natives,  were  left  at  perfect  liberty  to  settle  niul 
colonize  any  portions  of  the  country  they  might 
think  proper.  Immediately  after  its  conclusion,  the 
British  government  fell  back  upon  their  Nootka- 
sound  convention  of  1790  with  Spain;  and,  un- 
der it,  (most  unjustly,  it  is  true,)  ciaimed  the 
right  not  only  for  themselves,  but  for  all  the  na- 
tions of  the  earth,  to  colonize  the  northwest 
coast  of  America  at  pleasure.  "Great  Britain," 
say  her  plenipotentiaries,  "claims  no  exclusive  sov- 
ereignty over  ojiy  portion  of  that  territory."  What, 
then,  does  she  claim.'  To  use  the  language  of  these 
plenipotentiaries  in  1824,  "they  consider  the  unoccu- 
pied ports  of  Americajustasmuch  opeii  as  heretofore 


king  seiil 

we  propu 

ing  miu 

as  a  viol 

moment, 

cording  t< 

pedient  ft 

conseque 

Brittiin  ti 

We  have 

glic  has  1 

most  en 

bow  we 

tbig  the 

Wtain  a 

«aa  go 

tices  of 

dtehaa 


I 


ton, 


llic 

I  clmrtrr. 


**'  ^^'^^  <''»"'"'n-!o|onization  by  Great  nritnin,  m  well  aa  hy  othflr 

iK'jit;  hut   LordrflpcntJ  (xtwcrfl,  tii;rc('ivl)ly  U)  llic  j  Ni)otku-H()un(l| 

timt   till!   e:(.y^^„li„„  „f  |7()()_  hciwcrn  llic  Briiish  and  Spinii.sii 

iKW  ACnuit,  tlifi,^„nit'HlH,uiui  ihul  tin  United  HlatfM  would  liavc 

liny  )Mirti(in  n'flgl,t  whatever  to  take   inubniiin  at  the  eHlal)ii.sh- 

^la^e,    'it  will  l)i-5|of  new  colonieH  from  I^urope  in  any  sui'liiiart.s 

<  w  cliai-ter  sn<l:  the  American  continent."     And    tliey  felt  lliem- 

ty  to  grant, _/iur«i  more  itnpertitively  bound  to  make  lliiH  dee- 

"iiy   of  tlifation,   aw  the  claim   of  the    Amcrienn    nimiNter 

I'XjircsN  con^gpcetin^  the    territor;    watered  by  the    river  Co- 

lorin.s,  the  coiii-nbia  and  UN  trilmlary  streams,  besides   beinf;  es- 

e  reservation  dintiolly  objectionable  ni  ilsj^eneral  bearinp;,  had  tin- 

cii.arest  andfct  q^' iii/fz/iciii^'  tlinclly  ivilU  the   ndiud  rit^lils  oj 

Nccilffdi  liiiliiin,  tUrirtd  ^'rvm  use,  occviiancy  and  settle- 

|Oi  pruvnii,'  timi.n/." 

Iiid   to  ahandoDXhus,   nir,   you  nerccivo  lliai  the  British  piovcrn- 

l)ii.se  to  cstablialient  openly  and  boldly,  twenty  years  asjo,  iiotwith- 

|iiu   fact,    whieliandiiii;   tlic  exi.stin>;   treaty,  claimed    the  rij;hi  to 

Npeedilv  mani-ttleand  colonize  the  coimtryas  iliouf;h  it  w(  re  en- 

hls,  and   mnk'rely  wiilioutan  owner;  and,  if  this  claim  liad  been 

ry  north  of  th.  ell  founded,  then  it   would  follow  irresistibly  that 

1  that  proj)ose(liey   have   a   rii,^ht  to   retain  the    possjcssion  of  the 

or   coiiacnt   tiolonics  which    they  liad  a   ri;^'hl  lo  I'stablish.     It  is 

_  pon  tiiis   i)rinci])lc  that   they  sjieak  of  the  actual 

ts  has  informcdghtfl  which  they  had  acquired  so  long  a£!;o  aa  lHi24, 

occupatKjn  nuiyy  ««use,^  occupancy  and  si  iilemcnt."     What,  tlicii, 

—''ten  thouHandecomcs  of  the  senator's  argument,  that  the  present 

I'c  pre  judicial -eaty   may  continue  for  an  ind'jfniiti!  period,  with- 

;  shall  f^'ive  ufi-utbeina;  prejudicial  to  our  title?  I  admit  that  it  is  an 

e   adverse  poN-rgument  true  and   jubt  in  theory;  but  the  oppoi:lle 

i^onunenee,  and,arty,  .so  far  from  udmittim;  its  force,  entirely  repels 

each  siic,ceedini;t.  Under  their  interpretation  of  the  treaty,  they  claim 

cs.s  of  the  prop- he  riKht  to  plant  colonies;  and  if  thin  right  existed, 

tcs,  British  nos-t  could  not  be   said  that  Great   Britain  would   ac- 

t  does   England  juire  no  title,  '.o  the  colonies  which  she  hnd  estab- 

rprctation  of  the  ished.     ii  lu  true,  tliat  under  any  fair  and  just  con- 

leir  conslructiointniction  of  tlie  existing  treaty,  she   has  no  right  to 

ider  its  provi.s- ioionize  the  country;  but  she  claims  this  right.     She 

erent   from  our;n8i8ts  upon  it;  and,  in   the  face  of  all  our  protesta- 

iic  niamier,  andtions,  she   has  gone  on,  through  the  ageiKiy  of  the 

Hudson  Bay  company,  to  colonize  to  a  considerable 

[essrs.  Gallatin  extent. 

till  the  plenino-  And  what  has  been  our  miserable  policy  in  return? 
,  proj)oscd  tliar  We  had  a  clear  right  to  re-establish  our  ancient  fort 
«t  of  America  at  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia;  but  this  might 
cnedfor  the  pur-  violate  the  treaty,  and  olTcnd  England;  aJid  although 
1th  countries."  she  has  erected  some  thirty  forts  within  the  territory, 
i.sof  trade"  had  we  thought  it  best  to  abstain.  It  was  proposed  to 
>  room  would  establish  five  niililary  posts  on  the  way  to  Oregon, 
unfortunately  for  the  purpose  of  protecting  and  facilitating  the 
lares  generally  passage  of  our  settlers  over  the  Rocky  moiuitains; 
le  vessels,  citj.  fcut  no;  this  must  not  be  done;  it  would  be  bad 
without  defi-  faith;  and  this,  although  England,  through  the 
ich  it  shall  be  agency  of  the  Hudson  Bay  comi)any,  has  been  ma- 
overnment  in-  kmg  settlements  all  over  the  country.  Whenever 
it  Jiad  we  propose  to  do  anything  for  tlie  purpose  of  meet- 
ing and  countervailing  her  advances,  it  i3  decried 
as  a  violation  of  the  treaty;  and  now,  at  the  last 
moment,  the  same  doctrine  is  not  only  held,  but,  ac- 
cording to  some  senators,  it  is  deemed  wholly  inex- 
pedient lor  us  to  settle  Oregon;  and,  as  a  necessary 
consequence,  I  suppose  we  should  permit  Great 
Britjiin  to  retain  her  possession,  without  a  struggle. 
We  have  been  slcepmg  over  our  just  rights;  wliilst 
she  hius  been  pushing  her  unjust  claims  with  the  ut- 
most energy.  It  is  a  strange  spectacle  to  witness 
how  we  are  forever  holding  back,  for  fear  of  viola- 
ting the  treaty;  whilst  England  is  rushing  forward  to 
obtain  and  to  keep  tlie  country.  She  has  establish- 
ed a  government  there;  she  has  commissioned  jus- 
tices of  the  peace;  she  has  erected  civil  tribunals; 
die  ha«  extended  the  jurisdiction  of  her  laws  over 


hough 

ies,  instead  of 
trading  with 
'  to  settle  and 
'   they  might 
onclusion,  the 
heir  Nootka- 
in;   and,   un- 
claimed the 
or  all  the  na- 
e    northwest 
'at   Britain," 
tclusive  sov- 
•y-"    What, 
age  of  these 
[■  the  unoccu- 
as  heretofore 


the  whole  territory;  she  hnr  r.<(U»bliHhcd  forts;  «he  haa 
built  nhipii;  erc^cted  inillit;  conmienced  permanent  scl- 
lleiTientH,  and  cultivated  extensive  farms;  and,  durinj^ 
this  whole  |ieriod,  has  opt  nly  |)riii  laimtrd  her  right  to 
do  all  this,  notwithstantling  the  treaty.  And  yet,  al- 
ihougii  w(  have  witnessed  all  these  thingM,  wo  must 
not  move  a  step,  or  evi.u  lift  our  hand,  berause  it 
would  be  a  violation  ol"  the  treaty!  They  consider  the 
country  as  open  to  settlement;  and  in  1H:24,  refused 
to  acct'jit  our  proposition  to  make  the  4'.(tli  degree 
of  latitude  the  boundary;  because  ihis  would  con- 
flict with  their  a(tlual  rights  derived  from  use, 
occu|)ation  and  settlement;  whilst  we  have  carefully 
refrained  from  perfoiming  any  act  whatever  to  en- 
courage the  .settlement  of  the  country.  Iler  claim 
to  it  rests  upon  settlement  and  coloni/.ation;  whilst 
Congress  refuses  altogether  to  settle  or  to  colonize, 
lest  this  might  violate  the  very  treaty  under  which 
she  lias  been  all  the  time  acting. 

In  tlie  face  of  these  claims  so  boldly  asserted  by 
Great  Britain,  it  has  appeared  to  nie  wonderful  that 
the  treaty  of  joint  occupation  should  have  been  eon- 
tinuid  in  ISHi*.  In  the  conferences  previous  to  this 
treaty  of  1827,  the  British  |)lenipoientiaries  made  n 
still  bolder  declaration  than  they  had  ever  done  be- 
fore;— whilst  they  admit,  in  express  terms,  our  equal 
right  with  themselves  to  settle  the  country — a  right 
which  we  have  refrained  from  exerci.sing  notwith- 
Ktandiivr  'his  admi.ssion,  lest,  forsooth,  it  might  vio- 
late the  i..aty.  They  inform  us  of  the  numerous 
setileineiil.'  :id  trading  posts  established  by  the  .suIj- 
jects  o*'Gi -at  Britain  within  the  Territory;  and,  a» 
if  to  taunt  us  with  our  want  of  energy,  they  say  that 
in  the  wh.);.  territorv,  the  citizens  of  the  United 
States  have  n.t  a  .single  .settlement  or  trading  post. 
They  again  n.t'eired  to  their  right  to  settle  and  c(<k)- 
nize  ui  iler  llic  convenlionofNoolka  Sound,  and  say 
that  ihiw  right  inis  been  peaceably  exercised  ever 
since  th'  date  of  that  convention,  for  u  period  of 
nearly  forty  years.  "Under  that  convention,"  say 
they,  'valuable  British  interests  have  grown  up  in 
those  countries.  It  is  Hilly  admitted  that  the  United 
aiiiles  possess  the  same  ris^hts,  allltoiigh  they  huvebcen  cr- 
rrcised  by  them  only  in  a  siiig/c  hislance,  und  have  not, 
sine''  the  year  ISVi,  hesn  exercised  at  all.  But  beyond 
these  rigiiis,  they  jk)sscs,s  none."  And  yet  we  have 
been  ever  since  deliberating  in  cold  debate,  whether 
we  could  make  settlements  in  Oregon  without  vio- 
lating the  trcp.ly  and  giving  offence  to  Great  Britain! 

Tliey  inform  us  further,  that  "to  the  interests  and 
establishments  which  Briti.sh  industry  and  enterprise 
have  created,  Great  Britain  owes  jtrotection.  That 
protection  will  be  given,  both  as  regards  settlement 
and  freedom  of  trade  and  navigation,  with  every  in- 
tention not  to  infringe  the  co-ordinate  rights  of  the 
(■nited  States."  Thus,  sir,  you  perceive  that  Great 
Britain  rests  her  claims  to  the  country  solely  upon 
the  exercise  of  the  assumed  right  to  nettle  and 
colonize  it,  and  her  duty  to  afford  protection 
to  the  establishments  which  have  been  made  by 
British  subjects  under  this  claim.  And  yet,  in  the 
face  of  all  this,  senators  gravely  express  serious 
doul)ts  whether  we  can,  in  like  manner,  send  our 
people  to  Oregon  and  afford  them  the  protection  of 
a  government  and  laws,  without  a  violation  of  the 
treaty!  I  think  I  have  proved  conclusively  that  the 
senator  from  Massachusetts  is  entirely  mistaken  if 
he  supposes  that  England  will  ever  admit  that  her 
possession,  during  the  continuance  of  the  treaty  of 
joint  occupation,  would  have  no  effect  in  strengthen- 
ing her  title  to  the  territory  in  dispute.  She  haa 
maintained  the  contrary  doctrine  on  all  occasiona, 


u^ 


il 


10 


I 


ea\d  in  all  forms,  aa  if  she  Intended  a  solemn  noti- 
fication to  U8,  and  to  the  whole  world,  that  she  would 
hold  on  to  her  alleged  right  of  possession,  and  never 
consent  to  abandon  it. 

I  am  glad  to  say  that  I  now  approach  vhc  last 
point  of  my  argument.  The  senator  from  Massachu- 
setts [Mr.  Choate]  has  contended  that  as  certainly 
aa  we  give  the  notice  to  annul  the  existing  conven- 
tion, so  certainly  is  war  inevitable  at  the  end  of  the 
year,  unless  a  treaty  should,  in  the  mean  time  be 
concluded;  and  he  would  have  us  at  once  begin 
to  prepare  for  war.  I  suppose  the  senator  means 
that  we  ougiit  now  to  be  raising  armies,  embodying 
western  volunteers,  und  sending  our  sharp  shooters 
across  the  mountains;  and  he  thinks  it  not  imjiossi- 
ble  that  Great  Britain,  in  anticipation  of  the  event, 
may  now  be  collecting  cannon  at  the  Sandwich 
Islands  to  fortify  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia.  Yes, 
sir,  war  is  inevitable!  Now  I  am  most  firmly  con- 
vinced that,  so  far  from  all  this,  the  danger  of  war 
is  to  be  found  in  jnirsuing  the  opposite  course,  and 
refusing  to  give  the  notice  proposed.  What  can  any 
reasonable  man  expect  but  war,   if  we   permit  our 

ale  to  pass  into  Oregon  by  thousands  annually, 
e  face  of  a  great  hunting  corporation,  like  the 
Hudson  Bay  company,  without  cither  the  protec- 
tion or  restraint  of  laws?  This  company  are  m  pos- 
session of  the  whole  region,  and  have  erected  forti- 
fications in  every  part  of  it.  The  danger  of  war  re- 
sults from  a  sudden  outbreak,  under  such  circum- 
stances. The  two  governments  have  no  disposi- 
tion to  go  to  war  with  each  other;  they  are  not  so 
mad  as  to  desire  it;  but  they  may  be  suddenly 
forced  into  hostilities  by  the  cupidity  and  rash  vio- 
lence of  these  people,  thrown  together  under  cir- 
cumstances so  inauspicious  to  peace.  To  prevent 
this,  our  obvious  course  of  policy  is  to  send  over 
the  mountains  a  civil  government — to  send  our  laws 
— to  send  the  shield  and  protection  of  our  sove- 
reignty to  our  countrymen  there,  and  the  wholesome 
restramts  necessary  to  prevent  them  from  avenging 
their  wrongs  by  their  own  right  arm.  This  is  the 
course  which  prudence  dictates  to  prevent  those 
sudden  and  dangerous  outbreaks,  which  must  other- 
wise be  inevitable.  The  danger  lies  here.  If  you 
leave  them  to  themselves,  the  first  crack  of  the  rifle 
lawlessly  used,  may  be  the  signal  of  a  general  war 
throughout  Christendom.  Nothing  else  can  produce 
war;  and  this  is  the  reason  why  I  am  so  anxious  for 
the  passage  of  a  bill  which  will  carry  our  laws  into 
Oregon.  Such  a  bill  will  be  the  messenger  of  peace, 
and  not  the  torch  of  discord.  My  voice  is  not  for 
war.  My  desire — my  earnest  desire  is  for  peace; 
and  I  sincerely  believe  that  the  course  which  we,  on 
this  side  of  the  house,  arc  anxious  to  pursue,  is 
the  only  one  to  insure  peace,  and,  at  the  same  time, 
to  preserve  the  honor  of  both  nations. 

I'he  senator  from  New  Jersey  [Mr.  Miller]  be- 
lieves that  an  hundred  years  must  roll  round  before 
the  valley  of  the  Mississij)pi  will  have  a  population 
equal  in  density  to  that  of  some  of  the  older  States 
of  the  Union;  and  that  for  fifty  years  at  least  our  peo- 
ple should  not  pass  beyond  their  present  limits. 
And  in  this  connexion,  he  has  introduced  the  Texas 
question.  In  regard  to  that  question,  all  I  have  now 
to  say  is,  "that  sufficient  unto  the  day  is  the  evil 
tliereof "  1  have  no  oj)ini(m  to  express  at  this  time 
on  the  subject.  But  tliis  I  believe:  Providence  has 
given  to  the  American  people  a  great  and  glorious 
mission  to  perform,  even  that  of  extending  the  bless- 
ings of  Christianity  and  of  civil  and  religious  liber- 
ty   over   the    whole   North  American   continent. 


Within  less  than  fifty  years  from  this  mor.^  wiU  o'm 
there  will  exist  one  hundred  millions  of  free  Ai^^Sje,  we  adj 
cans  between  the  Atlantic  and  the  Pacific  ocfjjp  over  hei 
This   will  be  a  glorious  spectacle  to  behold ;-^g^cd  with 
distant  contemplation  of  it  warms  and  expandt'^'gJjaU  at  lei 
bosom.     The  honorable  senator  seems  to  supjjjown  free  in] 
that  it  is  impossible  to  love  our  country  witbgor  own",  ati 
same  ardor,  when  its  limits  are  so  widely  extciijjj  ever  excitl 
I  cannot  agree  with  him  in  this  opinion.     I  bdmqte  and  d' 
an  American  citizen  will,  if  po.ssible,  more  ardi^ji^s  have 
love  his  country,  and  be  more  proud  of  its  pog^cy  ti"  ^^^^ 
and  its  glory,    when   it  shall  be  st..jtched  out  fiQtuiem  to  P 
sea  to  sea,  than  when  it  was  confined  to  a  nar;,agti)e  good 
strip  between  the  Atlantic  and  the  Alleghanics  Has  it  ne 
believe   that  the  system  of  liberty,  of  law,  arKg^jhusetls  h' 
social  order  which  we  now  enjoy,  is  destined  tcach  other? 
the  inheritance  of  the  North  American  contiiii3jjeatBri"^i"| 
For  this  reason  it  is,   that  the  Almighty  has  j^xt  that  the 
planted  in  the  very  nature  of  our  people  that   spy  jetreat  bej 
of  progress,  and  that  desire  to  roam  abroad  and  n^^x^  populaj 
new  homes  and  new  fields  of  enterprise,  which  clR^ait  assured 
acterizes  them  above  all   other  nations,   ancientguch  a  p"!*^'. 
modern,  which  have  over  existed.    This  spirit  Ccclaim  «*"  "-i"*; 
not  be  repressed.    It  is  idle  to  talk  of  it.    You  mifpofrerAib 
as  well  attempt  to   arrest  the  stars  in  their  cour,  injid.     Wh 
through    hoaven.      The    same   Divine  power  li^pine  of  S^i" 
given   impulse  to  both.      What,  sir!  prevent  ii  j^,  eing^^  ^V' 
American  people  from  crossing  the  Rocky  moi;  advil  war. 
tains?    You  might  as  well  command  Niagara  not  tensivel/  T 
flow.     We  must  fulfil  our  destiny.     The   questif  Britain  itse 
presented  by  the  senator  from  New. Tersey  is,  whev  of  millions 
er  we  shall  vainly  attempt  to  interpose  obstacles '  o»e  causes 
our  own  progress,  and  nas.sively  yield  up  the  exii  dtouS^  '"  | 
cise  of  our  rights  beyond  the  mountains  on  the  cor  dlUou  to  al 
sideration   that  is  impolitic  for  us  ever  to  coloniz  been  comv 
Oregon.    To  such  a  question  I  shall  give  no  answer  auppoi't  hi 
But,  says  he,  it  will  be  expensive  to  the  treasury  t    UB  for  "^*^  I 
extend  to  Oregon  a  territorial  government.    No  ma!    enjoys  wjt 
ter  what  may  be  the  expense,  the  thing  will  eventi,    ply  the  u« 
ally  be  done;  and  it  cannot  be  prevented,  though  i    and  th^^'' 
may  be  delayed  for  a  season.  BCes  m 

But  again:  Oregon,  says  the  senator  from  Nov. 
Jersey,  can  never  become  a  State  of  this  Union 
God  only  knows.  I  cannot  see  far  enough  into  tlit 
future  to  form  a  decided  opinion.  This,  however 
I  do  know;  that  the  extension  of  our  Union  thus  fui 
has  not  weakened  its  strength;  on  the  contrary,  this 
very  extension  has  bound  us  together  by  stil! 
stronger  bonds  of  mutual  interest  and  mutual  di  ■ 
peiidenco.  Our  internal  commerce  has  grown  to  br 
worth  ten  times  all  our  foreign  trade.  We  shal: 
soon  become  a  world  within  ourselves.  Althougl; 
people    are  widelv  scattered,    all    parts  of  tin 


our 

Union  m'ust  know  and  feel  how  dependent  each  i^ 
upon  the  other.  Thus  the  people  of  the  vast  valley 
of  the  Mississippi  are  dependent  upon  the  northern 
Atlantic  States  for  a  naval  power  necessary  to  keep 
the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  open,  through  whicti 
their  surplus  produce  must  seek  a  market.  In  like 
manner,  the  commercial  marine  of  the  Eastern  States 
is  dependent  upon  the  South  and  the  West  for  the 
very  productions,  the  transportation  of  which  all 
over  the  earth  affords  it  employment.  Besides,  the 
SoKthcrn  and  Southwestern  States  are  protected  by 
the  strength  of  the  Union  from  the  invasion  of  that 
fanaticalspirit  which  would  excite  a  servile  war, 
and  cover  their  fair  land  with  blood.  This  mutual 
dependence  of  all  the  parts  upon  the  whole,  is  our 
aggregate  strength.  I  say,  then,  let  us  go  on  whith- 
ersoever our  destiny  may  lead  us.  I  entertain  no 
fears  for  the  consequences,  even  should  Oregon  be- 
come a  State.     I  do  not  pretend  to  predict  whether 


til 

jRW  mate: 

have  alrei 

erful;  ani 

upon  a  qv 

moral  in 

teenth   c 

•will  go  V 

tnenis  i 

would  ] 

f"   ipartif 
here  I 
our  ow 
withou 
flicting; 
to  settl 
be  out 
■withoi 
is  the 
tiou; 
propo 
best : 

syii^l 

me"' 

jinei 

.  sect 

will 

Oui 

nee 

•vit 

for 


11 


F''ons  of  free  4 '*'*r  ^^''^  *""*'*' ^"^  '^'  '"  *  «ianly  and  temper- 
Pacific       V*'  ^^  adhere  to  our  right*.,  we  shall  at  least 
[icle  to  beh  Irf'^'*'*^  ^^^^  ^^^  mountains  and  valleys  a  population 
8  and  exn     r'*^*^'^  ^''^'^""^^^'^'^^ '" '^^'*S'*'"''''^^'^'y  ^'^'^  ''*^^' 
seems  to   "  ^®*^*''  '^^  '^'^^^  bestow  upon  them  the  blessing;  of 
country   ^'•''?*S(*"  ^""^^  institutions.  They  will  be  kindred  s|)irits 
widely  r  ^   '  *'fl*'  "^n;  and  I  feel   no    apprehension  that  they 
pinion,     j^i  Iw^^cr  excite  the  Indians  of  Oregon  to   attack  our 
Jble,  more      j  *W*e  and  defenceless  frontiers.    They  and  thoir 
■proud  of ;.      *^^th«rs   have    suffered    too    severely  from    such   a 
|St..jtchf>f?  «.*»^/!*li®y  '^^  ^''^  P^""'  of  the  British  government  to  per- 

'""  ut 


I'fined  to  a  tnern  to  pursue  a  similar  policy.    They  will 

f'le  Allcghan?"^'"**'^*'  ^        neighbors. 
y,J>f  favy,  £ 

. '"-aoh  other?     In   one  breath,  he  tells  the   Senate  that 


t^y>  of  uivy"'*^*  ^*^   ''■  "^^''''  occurred  to  the  senator  from  Mas- 

'  ?"'a<5husetts  how  inconsistent  his  arguments  are  witii 

I'lerican  p""  ,•  "'*'®^  °'^''*^'''     '"   ""°  breath,  he  tells  the   Senate  that 

['Vlniio-}jtv''h  ^'"^'**'' ^''''"'"  ^^'"  ^'^  ^'^  ^"'''  ^'•"'  Oregon;  and  in  the 

t'eop/e  th  t"^  '***  ''^'^'  *'"'  I^i'd'^f"'  J^ay  company  will  voluntni-i- 

h  abi-oad  n    l^'  ^  retreat   before  the  advancing  tide  of  our  agricul- 

irjsc   whi  h    i^^^^  population,  and  abandon  it  without  a  struggle. 

lation's    an     ^^^'  assured,  sir,  England  is  too  wise,  to  risk  a  war  for 

This  8f,-'^'*^'"8U^  a  possession,  valuable  as  it  may  be,  on  such  a 

of  it.    Y^^'"^' ^Hjlftim  of  title,  as  slic  presents.     She  is  wise  as  she  is 

vs  (>)  thci""  ""'P**^*^*^*^"'"     -'-'"'''^   '^^   her  position   in    regard  to  Ire- 

ivine   r,  *" '^°^" '''''^"     What  is  that  island  at  tliis  hour  but  a  niaga- 

•sir!   nrr'^*^'  ''zineof  gunpowder,  ready  to  explode  at  any  instant? 

)e  Rock^^'''  "Aeingle  spark  may  light  in  a  moment  the  flames  of 

d  Nino- ^, '^'"'^ '^^'^  ^^''*     Look   at  the  discontents  which  so  ex- 

^ijjg*^''^ ''"f  tensive! y  prevail  throughout   the  island  of   Great 

Jersey  is'^^T"'  9^'^'"   itself,   springing  from   the  want  and  misery 

ose  ol   .'    , '^"  <^ii'"io"s  of  her  subjects,  and  from  other  danger- 

'cJd  UD  fi      *^®-  OW3  causes  which  I  shall  not  now  enumerate.     Al- 

tains  ori  /if  ^^'^^  ^o^S^  in  profound  peace  with  all  the  world,  in  ad- 

pv,.!. ,        .  ^^'  dltion  to  all  the  other  taxes  on  her  subjects,  she  has 

*^*er  to  colojju 


this 
.S(iJ' 


give  no  ansuff 
P  the  treasury  r 
ir^^rit.  No  „i„: 
""ff  wjJl  event, 
«'ted,  though ; 

itor  from  Ncii 
"f  tJu«  Unio,, 
""",?h  into  tJu 
«is,  however 
^»Mn  thm  tui 
contrary, 
"her    by' 

1''  mutual  d(. 
*^  grown  to  Ijf 
-     We  shal. 
s-    AJthougi; 
P'»-ts  of  th, 
"lent  each  is 
f  vast  valley 
"e  northern 
'■^'■y  tolceeii 
5"gfi   whici, 
Gt.     In  jijfe 
stern  States 
est  for  the 
which   all 
besides,  the 
'■"'ected  by 
on  of  that 


rvile 


War, 


's  mutual 
'e,  is  oui- 
on  whith- 
ertain  no 
••egon  be- 
wheth<f 


been  compelled  to  resort  to  a  heavy  mcome  tax  to 
support  her  government.  She  is  dependent  upon 
us  for  the  most  valuable  foreign  trade  which  she 
enjoys  with  any  oivilizcd  nation;  nor  c;in  she  sup- 
ply the  demands  of  China  for  her  cotton  fabrics, 
and  thus  realize  the  visions  of  wealth  which  she 
Bees  in  the  perspective,  without  first  obtaining  the 
raw  material  from  our  fertile  fields.  England,  as  1 
have  already  said,  is  w  ise  as  well  as  great  and  pow- 
erful; fmd  she  will  never  go  to  war  with  u  ;  unless 
upon  a  question  in  which  her  honor  is  involved.  It  is  a 
moral  impossibility  that,  at  this  day,  in  the  nine- 
teenth century  of  the  Christian  era.  Great  Britain 
will  go  to  war  for  Oregon;  when  the  facts  and  argu- 
ments in  favor  of  our  title  are  so  clear,  that  they 
would  prove  at  once  to  be  conclusive  before  any 
impartial,  independent,  and  enlightened  tribunal. 
Th(!re  is  no  danger  of  a  war,  unless  it  may  be  from 
our  own  pitiful  and  pusillam'mous  course — unless, 
without  making  any  serious  effort  to  adjust  our  con- 
flicting claims,  we  timidly  stand  by  and  suffer  her 
to  settle  the  territory  to  such  an  extent  that  it  will 
be  out  of  her  power  to  abandon  her  subjects  there, 
without  violating  her  faith  to  them.  The  present 
is  the  prop.tious  moment  to  settle  the  whole  ques- 
tion; and  I  con.scientiously  believe  that  the  mode 
proposed  bv  my  friends  and  my.self  would  prove  the 
best  raean.s  of  attaining  the  object. 

I  admit,  with  regret,  that  some  very  dangerous 
symptoms  exist  in  both  countries  at  the  present  mo- 
ment. Thi'  whole  pressof  Great  Britain — her  maga- 
zines and  quarterlies,  and  all,  without  disti)iction  of 
■  sect  or  party — for  the  last  two  years,  has  teemed 
with  abuse  of  America,  and  all  that  is  American. 
Our  institutions,  our  literature,  and  everything  coii- 
nectod  with  us,  have  been  subjects  of  perpetual 
"vitvqieration.  Such  abuse  is  unexampled  at  any 
|brmer  period  of  her  history.     Thus  tlie  minds  of 


« 


I  the  British  people  have  been  inflamed  into  national 
hostility  against  us. 

And,  on  the  other  hand,  what  is  the  state  of  pub- 
lic feeling  among  ourselves?  Although  there  are 
many,  especially  in  our  large  cities,  who  entertain 
an  affectionate  feeling  towards  England,  (insomuch 
that,  on  a  great  public  occasion  in  the  largest  of 
these  cities,  the  health  of  "the  President  of  the 
United  States"  was  drunk  in  silence,  whilst  that  of 
"Ciueen  Victoria"  was  received  with  thunders  of 
applause,)  yet,  among  the  great  mass  of  our  people, 
a  very  different  feeling  prevails.  They  still  remem- 
ber the  wrongs  they  have  endured  in  clays  past;  they 
remember  the.se,  jierhaps,  with  too  deep  a  sensibili- 
ty. And  although  senators  on  this  floor  may  please 
their  ears  with  terms  of  mutual  endearment  by  styl- 
ing the  two  nations  "the  mother"  and  "the 
daughter,"  yet  a  vast  majority  of  our  countrymen 
are  jienetrated  with  the  conviction  that,  towards  us, 
England  has  ever  acted  the  part  of  a  cruel  step- 
mother. It  is  this  deep-wrought  conviction,  these 
a.?sociations  of  former  scenes  with  the  universal 
abuse  at  iiresrnt  poured  out  upon  us  by  the  British 
press  and  })cople,  which  lie  at  the  foundation  of  the 
national  ennily  which  nov/  too  extensively  pre- 
vails. It  is  these  injuries  on  the  one  side,  and  tneir 
renicmbranco  on  the  other,  which  keeps  up  the  ill 
blood  between  the  two  countries.  There  is  surely 
nothing  in  the  existing  relations  between  them 
which  will  cause  our  people  to  forget  that  there  is 
one  calamity  still  worse  than  war  itself,  and  that  is 
the  sacrifice  of  national  honor. 

I  repeat  the  declaration,  that,  for  myself,  I  am 
deeply  anxious  to  preserve  peace.  There  is  noth- 
ing like  blustering  m  my  nature;  and  the  use  of  lan- 
guage of  such  a  character  would  be  unworthy  of 
ourselves.  Besides,  it  could  produce  no  possible 
effect  upon  the  power  with  whom  we  have  this  con- 
troversy, and  would  injure  rather  than  advance  our 
cause.  I  am,  notwithstanding,  in  fav(,r  of  as.serting 
our  rights  in  a  manly  tone,  and  in  a  fearless  manner. 
The  time  has,  I  believe,  come,  when  it  is  dangerous 
any  longer  to  tamper  with  the  Oregon  question.  So 
far  as  my  voice  may  go,  I  shall  refuse  longer  to  de- 
lay the  settlement  of  this  question.  1  shall  not  con- 
sent to  its  postponement.  1  would  send  our  people 
west  of  the  Rocky  mountiiins  whenever  they  may 
choose  to  go;  but  I  would  send  them  there  imder 
the  jirotection  and  restraint  of  law;  and  if  1  did  not 
in  my  heart  believe  this  to  be  the  best  mode  of  in- 
suring to  us  the  possession  of  our  own  territory, 
and  preserving  the  national  peace  in  company  with 
the  national  honor,  I  should  not  so  long  have  de- 
tained the  Senate  in  presenting  my  views  on  this 
important  subject. 

In  Skntate,  March  20,  1844. 
^xlracl  front  the  remarks  of  J\h:  lUicluman  in  reply  lo 

J^Ir.  Rives,  on  the  subject  of  the  map  ofGenrgc  III. 

After  (at  the  request  of  Mr.  Buchanan)  extracts 
I'rom  the  spee(;hes  of  Sir  Robert  Peel  and  Lord 
Brougham  had  been  read  by  the  secretary  from 
Hansard'.?  Parliamentary  Debates,  containing  all 
they  had  said  on  the  subject  of  this  map — which  will 
be  found  in  the  appendix — Mr.  Buchanan  proceeded 
to  say,  that  after  the  reading  of  these  extracts,  it  would 
rc(juire  but  few  observations  from  him  to  establish 
his  first  position;  which  was,  that  the  British  gov- 
ernment, at  the  time  when  they  sent  Lord  Ashburton 
here  to  negotiate  a  treaty,  were  in  possession  Ot'  u 
map  of  such  high  authority,  and  such  undoubted 
authenticity,  thai  in  the  opinion  both  of  Sir  Robert 


12 


Peel,  the  prime  minister  of  England, 
Brougham,   its  production  would   have 


and   Lord 
settled  the 


northeaBtcrn  boundary  question,  beyond  all  further 
controversy,  in  favor  of  the  United  Statey.  In  order 
to  illustrate  the  coiK'.iisive  character  of  this  map,  it 
might  be  necessary  to  make  a  very  few  observa- 
tions. 

Richard  Oswald  was  the  sole  negotiator,  on  the 
part  of  Great  Britain,  of  the  provisional  articles  of 
the  treaty  of  peace,  concluded  with  the  United  Slates 
at  Paris,  on  the  30th  November,  17t^2.  He,  Mr.  li., 
had  carefully  compared  the  article  of  this  treaty  de- 
fining the  boundaries  of  the  United  States,  with  the 
corresponding  article  in  the  definitive  treaty  of  peace 
concluded  on  the  .3d  September,  1783,  and  Ibund 
them  to  be  identically  the  same, — word  for  word. 
It  was  clear,  therefore,  tliat  Mr.  Oswald's  treaty  had 
fixed  the  boundaries  of  the  United  States;  and  that, 
in  this  resiipct,  tiie  subsequent  treaty  of  1783,  nego- 
tiated by  David  Hartley,  on  the  part  of  Great  Brit- 
ain, was  but  a  mere  cop-^  and  ratification  of  the 
treaty  of  1782. 

It  wai3  well  known  that  George  the  Third  prized 
his  North  American  colonies  as  the  most  precious 
jewel  in  liis  crown.  He  had  adhered  to  them  with 
the  grasp  of  fate;  and  even  when,  at  one  time.  Lord 
North  was  willing  to  bring  the  war  to  a  conclusion 
by  acknowledging  their  independence,  the  King, 
still  hoping  against  hope,  that  he  might  ultimately 
be  able  to  subdue  them,  insisted  on  its  continuance 
a  little  longer.  It  was  notorious  to  the  whole  world 
that  he  felt  the  deej)est  interest  in  the  question.  Was 
it  not,  then,  highly  probable — nay,  was  it  not  abso- 
lutely certain,  that  when  Mr.  Oswald  returned  from 
Paris,  after  concluding  the  provisional  treaty,  the 
very  first  inquiry  of  his  sovereign  would  be, — 
■where  is  the  boiuidary  line  of  my  dominions  in 
America.-  Show  me  on  the  map  what  portion  of 
them  the  treaty  has  retained,  and  what  ]iortion  it 
has  surrendered.  Besides,  such  an  inquiry  would 
fall  in  with  one  of  the  Kinjr's  peculiar  taster,  for  he 
"was  (says  Sir  Robert  Peel)  particularly  curious  in 
respect  to  geographical  inquiries." 

George  the  Third,  as  history  represented  him, 
was  probably,  to  a  certain  extent,  a  man  of  narrow 
prejudices;  but  he  was  a  sovereign  of  sound  judg- 
ment, and  incorru]Uible  per.sonal  integrity.  Those 
best  calculated  to  judq;c  of  his  abilities  had  spoken 
of  them  in  the  most  favorable  terms.  Mr.  B.  here 
referred  to  the  account  which  had  been  given  by 
Mr.  Wesley  and  Dr.  Johnson  of  their  interview.^ 
with  him.  When  Mr.  Adams,  our  first  minister  to 
Great  Britain,  after  the  treaty  of  peace,  was  ))re- 
Bented  to  the  King,  his  declaration  was  character- 
istic and  honorable:  "I  have  been  the  last  man  in 
my  dominions  to  accede  to  this  peace  which  sepa- 
rates A  jierica  from  my  kingdom:  I  will  be  the  first 
man,  now  it  is  made,  to  resist  any  attempt  to  in- 
frmge  it."  It  now  appeared  tliat  there  had  been 
found  in  his  private  library  a  map,  on  which  w.is 
marked  a  boundary  line  between  his  North  Ameri- 
can provinces  nnil  the  United  States,  which  e:ave  us 
the  whole  of  the  disputed  territory;  and  if  this  had 
been  all,  the  fact  might  possibly  have  been  explain- 
ed consistently  with  the  claims  of  Great  Britain. 
But,  according  to  the  testimony  of  Sir  Robert  Peel, 
on  this  "broad  red  line"  there  was  marked,  in  frtur 
difl'erent  places,  not  merely  the  words  "boundary  of 
the  United  ^States,"  nor  yet  "boundary  of  Mr.  Os- 
wald's treaty;"  but  these  emphatic  word — "Boun- 
dary, as  described  by  our  negotiator,  Mr.  Oswald." 
Was  not  thia  convincing — conclusive  proof,  that 


li*rity— '^'O"^^ 

either  Mr.  Oswald  had  marked  this  boundai-y  wjSate  a  treaty 
or  that  it  had  been  done  by  some  person  uncleiyJ^J  it  describ* 
direction,  at  the  request  of  George  111  himself?  ^  of  JW  ^^^^ 
even  this  was  not  all:  Lord  Brougham  had  expy^ furnished  hi 
ed  the  opinien  in  the  House  of  Lords,  from  th.jjri»al  was  too 
formation  he  had  received,  that  the  words,  "l^jg^n  Office, 
dary,  as  described  by  our  negotiator,  Mr.  Os\Vil^Ji^ncle^  stood  f 
was  ill  the  proper  hand-writing  of  tliat  sovereii»j|ty,  that  the 

After  all  this,  well  might  Sir  Robert  Peel  dei^iaBafe  to  intn 
that  he  did  not  believe  "that  that  claim  of  C,  their  claimSi 
Britain  was  well  founded;  that  it  is  a  claim  wifQ^  unwilling 
the  negotiators  intended  to  ratify;"  and  well  m^  ■^jould  thi'n 
Lord  Brougham  say,  in  his  characteristic  maiiQpjtl  this  mig 
that  the  production  of  this  map  by  Lord  AshbiUjj^j  if  it  shou 
would  have  shown  "that  he  had  not  a  leg  to  Bi^gfd  Ashburto 
upon,"  and  that  it  "entirely  destroys  all  our  con.jjy  knowledge 
tion,  and  gives  all  to  the  Americans."  .pmion  of  tha^ 

Here,  then,  was  the  highest  and   most  conchi!f,gaaitly  il'  ^^* 
evidence  against  the  British  claim.     Here  was     f^erc  'vas^ 
acknowledgment  of  the   British  sovereign  hiiTi;,peech,in  whi 
under  his  own  hand,  from  whose    kingdom  ^d  a  right  t 
American  colonies  had  been  wrested,  that  the  bojojgessiot   of 
dary  described  by  hia  own  negotiator  in   the  tr^iiiich  a  satis: 
ty  of  peace  gave  the  whole  of  the  disputed  ternUndoubtcdly 
ry  to  the  United  States.     Here   was  the  confessjf  this  map 
against  himself,  of  the  individual  interested,   ak^guld    have 
ail  others,  in  the   question,  and   made  long  bet"Lojd   Ashbu 
any  controversy  had  arisen  on  the   subject.     It  vvjindgentlem* 
highly  probable — nay,  almost  certain — that  this  m,  undoubtedly 
found  in  the   library  of  George  111,  was  the  vifeport  of  it 
map  from  which  Mr.  Faden,  the  British  royal  i,nd8.     Now, 
ographer,  drew  his  map  of  1783,  mentioned  by^jance  of  the 
Robert  Peel,  which  also   gave  to  the  United  Stfii  jn  relation  to 
all  the  territory  in  dispute.  own    Ubrar 

But  the  Senator  from  Virginia  had  contendt  explanation 
that  there  was  no  evidence  to  prove  that  Lord  A-  q^  the  floi 
burton,  when  he  concluded  his  treaty,  had  ai  dignantly  dt 
knowledge  of  the  existence  of  this  map;  had  declai.  gnch  a  pro' 
that  if  itVere  in  his  posses.sion,  when  he  assur.  cgalnient  wl 
Mr.  WebKter,  in  the  most  solemn  manner,  that  j©  Mr.  W 
was  his  belief  that  the  negotiators  of  the  treaty  < 
1782  meant  to  throw  all  the  waters  which  wf 
tributary  to  the  river  St.  John  within  the  Britis 
territory,  it  was  impossible  he  could,  with  honor 
have  made  such  an  asseveration;  and  that,  adini, 
ting  the  map  to  be  as  he  (Mr.  B.)  had  described  i: 
"no  epithci  in  the  language  would  be  strong  enouj! 
to  express  the  infamy  which  must  brand  any  gov 
ernnicnt  which  could  conduct  its  high  diplomati 
intercourse  in  such  a  manner." 

Now,  sir,  let  me,  in  the  first  place,  do  justice  to 
myself,  as  well  as  to  Lord  Ashburton.  After  d 
careful  examination  of  the  debate  as  reported  by 
Hansard,  the  highest  authority,  and  which  he  hud 
never  before  seen,  he  most  cheerfully  admitted  thai 
the  reference  in  the  following  sentence  of  Sir  Rober; 
Peel,  was  to  Lord  Palmerston  and  not  to  Lord  Ash- 
burton:  "That  map  was  in  possession  of  the  late 
King,  and  it  was  also  in  posscss-ion  of  the  noble  lord, 
but  he  did  not  communicate  its  contents  to  Mr. 
Webster."  From  the  newspaper  reports  of  the  de- 
bate which  he  had  read,  he  liad  never  doubted — lie 
had  never  heard  it  doubted  by  any  person,  but  that 
the  reference  was  to  Lord  Ashburton.  He  had 
been  convinced  of  his  error,  however,  by  Hansard's 
report  of  the  debate,  and  it  aflorded  him  great  plea- 
sure to  retract  it. 

But,  did  it  not  require  a  mantle  of  cl.arity  broader 
than  had  ever  been  cast  over  any  individual,  to  be- 
lieve that  the  British  government,  being  in  posses- 
sion of  such  a  map — a  map  with  such  marks  of  au- 
thenticity and  such  claims  to  the  most  conclusivo 


junces  of  1 
British  clai 
ertPeelam 
igtence  of 
nearly  tom 
have  rcmt 

explU'i"*^'^ 

in  which  1 

Mr.  B.  SL' 

existence 

Lord  Asl 

duty  of  a 

Robert  I 

Broughai 

more  boi 

operate  c 

no  matte 

a  lawyei 

might  ir 

in  refer 

gtudiouf 

had  avo 

Butt 

andex] 

British 

iheexi 

they  s 

would 

Ho\ 

library 

father 


t 


ds,   from 


13 

Prftm  thince  it  was  re- 

■tlmt  sovereisgrity,  that  the  ^''''±^SZ''^^^''"'''v'''  ^'^  M  h^a  merston  remain  ignorant  «f;;«  ^J^^'^^e  face  of  the 

)bert  Peel  dci^BBafe  to  mtrust  him  ^""  ^       j  „  that  he  might   .  timers  important  of  any  on  ", /_p-,„  ^ith 

:.  clain.  of  G.C  claims,  f^^mm.^^^^;-^  --ewhicii   -J- V^r^^ bearing     „   the  ^ro^oa^^d  -^^^^^ 

IS  a  olnim  wiro»e  unwiUing  to  e^m  i  ^^^     Mf.  »;  ^;'["'   ^ntry,  and  yet  tlie  Britibh  Min 

"and  well  n.^  would  then  1"^;«  ^  ^be  the  facf,  and  declajd   thi    <.oimtry,^^^^y      ^^^^^  TS  Ashlurton'/  It 

ictcrisiic maiiooBd  thia  might pi'o> e lou  appear,  or  it  eign^'         j^gtructions  for  L>ora  ^"l'     ^.j^    ofln. 

Lord  Ashbujffif  it  Bhould  W  ""^^KJclaL  that  he  had   paring  t^^^^^^ 

lot  a  leg  to  Bt  Sd  ABhburton  l^v,''*. vi«Tf S  a  map,  his   ^^f;|Xe  Foreign  ofice,  ^^h««  ^o^J,^,SrSught 

,s  all  our  -^knowledge  o^^^^^^^^^^  J^  ,e  would  nse  cials^^-e  F  J    ,^^J,^  not  l.ve  bi  .^g^^ 

^mostconchjS;ifftTaceanddohim 

.     Here  was     T^ere  'vas  one   se"tence     n  &ir         ^^hburton  could  suppose  i  ^^^^^  j^^^  removed  «  "o^ 

.vereign  him.pS^^^n  which  he  observed    -^^^ord^    -broad  in  iBten^e      I  Lor J/^^^ , ,         n  retn^erncnt    th^  fea 
=0    kintjdom  ffi  a  ri&ht  to  presume  tliaine  formation  on  the  1  orci^  ^^^  by  &ir  Robert  reei, 

d,  that  a,e  bc^SS^ssiol   of  all  ^he  elemen^  ot    ^  ^^  ^^^^^  ^o.-Uould  heve  bee^^^^^  ^^^^j^  '^ftrrrmaS    he  spoke 
r  in   the  t.JSch  a  satisfactory  <^«?^i"T"    to  presume;   and  wou..  have     y^t,  throughout  his  remarks  «^^^^^ 
pued  tcrSoubtedly  Je^ha^  a  r.ght^thu^^to  f^^^^^  ^^^"ow^ttwould  have  Sr/sU^iuSr "ha'the 

he  confcHsif  this  map  had^  been      __^    ^^.   ^„„pUunt.     ^M  J„,^„,ent,  without  the  si  gMe^^^^^^^^ 

present  ministry  had  been  i^i  transpired,  both 

■    Now,  in  the  face  of  all  that  nau        j       ^^^^^^ 

Se  House  of  Com.i2tr.VFo?u"ed  ai.  anonv- 
the  senator  /^om  V-gmia  I       K     .taming  _lVfr. 


ird   A:- 
;  treaty,  had  ;ii 
lap;  had  declaii 
vhen  he  assun 
manner,  that 
of  the  treaty  > 
ters  which  wf 
thin  the   Brifis 
uld,  with  hoiio! 
and  that,  adniii 
had  described  ii 
)e  strong  enoui:! 
brand  any  gov- 
high   diplomati 

ice,  do  justice  if 
jurton.  After;: 
2  as  reported  by 
id  wiiicli  he  hail 
!ly  admitted  tliai 
ICC  of  Sir  Robtji'i 
lot  to  Lord  Ash- 
ission  of  the  late 

of  the  noble  lord, 
contents  to  Mr. 
reports  of  the  do- 
!ver  doubted — lie 

person,  but  that 
U"ton.  He  liaii 
3r,  by  Hansard's 
1  him  great  pleii- 


exp.i^— on    from  '»f  •'     '' ""of  Lords,   have  m 

on^the    floor  of   ^J«.  !^°' 'eealment  from  h.m  of 

dignantly  denounced  the  conceaim  elaims-a  con- 
such  a  proof  of  th%justice  9^  erroneously  to  give 
cealment  which  had  ^a^^^^u  nn  personal  assu- 

have'remained  silent?   ^"^^^j^  ,^,rid  the  po«'t'«'M  J  fj"^,   ,cd  the  notice  ol  Lord  Abcrdcui,_u^^  ^.^ 
explained  to  us  and   o  thewn  ^^.^^^^^  "''"f^'      ;ibcen    vimi.iallykepta 

in.  which  he  bad  be  "  l^     b^^^  ^,^  „,,  ^-^.^S^     ^f^  mysterious  and 


Lords. 


„.  .h;;;iri;;  had  b-n  jo;  >^'^,-,n;now  of  the 

Ur.  B.  said,  It  mshl  be  that  lie  ^^^^^^^^  ^ 

existence  of  the  map;  b^  'y^/^  ^  ^icws  of  the 
Lord  Ashburton  j^^^^SmK^n  avowed  by  Sir 
duty  of  a  nfg."ti;f/^^';,;  ot"  Commons,  and  Lord 
Robert  Peel   in  the  HoubC  oi  j,^  .^as  no 

Brougham  in  the  House  of  Loras  ^^^.^^^^ 

more  bound  to  produce  '^"'y J]l^^\^^^  .rovernmcnt, 
^p'erate  .igainst  ^^^  ";S\heir  0!^^  mtgh^ 
no  matter  '^ow  unfoundca  tie  testimony  which 

I  lawyer  was  bound   to  dis.     ^^^  ^^^.^  ^^    ^ 

wight  injure  his  [^^^  f  •,^i'^J,.,on's  conduct,  he  had 
^  V-';'"!„!".norhims  If  to   the  facts  alone,  and 


f  charity  broader 
individual,  to  be- 
being  in  posses- 
ich  marks  of  au- 
mosl  conclusivo 


:.!  the  notice  of  LoraAo^^j^-j^j^ 
i;.dbeciicvimi.iaUyk<J)Uipi^;^^-^  ^ 

tor  some  '"Y^f '""l;  f  it  wa^  lo  place  in  his  hands 
the  officials  whose  J^^^i  ^to  thisiliost  importjuUne- 

allthe  inf''™^^''"'\rj;iecn  h  d  never  accused  them 
.otiation.     Lord  Abe    ten  lui  ^^  ^is- 

Sf  any  «uch  c.-nccan  t    ..     ^    .  ^f  the  map 

,U,imed  all  knowledge  otcc  ^ 

,vas  when  the  whole  s"bjjaWeUcknowledged 
Parliament,  '^'^l  wben  Si      obe       ^^^^^^  ^,^^  ^^^^^^^ 

before  the  wo' ^- 1  L  Sainst  us  for  a  portion  of 
^rovcrnment  had  ==*^t  "P  M  The  assertion  in  that 
Sur  territory  was  uufonded^     l  ^^^^   -^        « 

rcelfwi^n^^b-^^^^-""^^^^"^"^^"'" 

l^bevencastdcnjtsupontu^ 

sard's  report  ot  the  ^^f  ale  m  U  e  n  ^^^     ^^, 

_stating/hat,  ac^ordrngo  another^  ^^Pj  _^^^ 


in  ?!^''^";";^,ontin7d '  him'^'e^f  to   the  facts  alone,  and   ^^^^_^^_^  

£?S^l5^he  use^f  alUpUh^.  ^^,  ^-'ber,    bUhy.  -"-^^SStSSiSS' 

Butthesenaor  Jom;^^^^^ 

the  existence  of  tln^  mai  ^^.^  ^^^^^,^,,     He 

tbpv  sent  Lord  Asuoui  w"    e-  j^oments. 


bates?  A  man  writW  .ml"  P«'-l'amentary  Dr,- 
niiglU  mala-  «ny  aJsc  ?o^,  "u"''',''  "«/esnonsif,ility, 
notknoAv  rt-],ctlferthp.n  ^e  pleased.  ]ilr.  R.  jfj 
were  not  rcvi.'u;'  ^JSJ;:^  ^  Hansard  were  ir 
I<new  that  they  were  ToSemJ  H    '"'''''^^5  ^"'  ''^ 

J'gh  sense  of  iH.^o;,Ia|d^V7H''f  ^^^  ^^''^  «^^'" 
ov,r  langnage  could  be  s?ro,?^  erfo'l?    "°  ^P''^'^'  "' 
infamy   of  any  ijoveniniem   wh  1    '"^  '^^P''*'''"'  '^'e 
high,nterc«urs^eofit.sdip)olJv  .•      *^""''»*=ted  the 
^  wouJd  justly  be  inferS  S^^'^m"  """''  "  '"'^"n^T 
a  map   Jike  this  by  the  Bri^.T  '^J^^°"'='^^'ilment  of 
«oubt  lon;?er  rc.nafn  as  to  the  il"'?""'^-     ^'^^  ^«» 
their  pan?    1„  t|,e  Ho^.e  of  I  n?  ,     r  ""?''^''"e"t  "" 
had  been  sit(in^  by  Lord  Brm,  Ji^''  ^""'^  Aberdeen 
the  speech  f.oni  wl?ich  extr  tcti f  "n  ^'''"  ^"^  "'"^e 
Senate,  and  when  heh^^     -f-!^  ^'^''"  ^'cad  to  tlie 
«cor„  that  the  Brhi      gotr^t'^   ''''  '"'^  ^ith 
obhgation  to  poduce  £  maT  V^'"''  ""''^r  «ny 
Aberdeen  haJ  several  tfmno  ?'     ^"J"'  '""''e:  Loid 
Lord  B.,u,ham  i^e  cZ,  ^7li?P]f'^  '«  "^  ' 
yet  he   expressed   no  dissent    L        '''''•'''■'^'^:  '^'^^ 
-Wow  Mr.   B     whi?«f  ,  "^^^"t.  but  sat  m  silenr-P 

from  Vir^infa  ast'  he  ;;„Sf   ^^^  thecal" 
could  not  think  that  if  dlT^      ?'"^  "^^"'^h  conduct 
f^  had  been  appS  to    t  '^  ButT  '  '''T  '^^"^-e 
ble  senator  perceive  that  all  the  .f  '^  """^  '^''  ''"«»'a. 
guage  now  applied    fn  iti  r  'f^'^'^y  °f'  his  Ian- 

^ngth  and  bre.Ihlto7h    p.St  B  r^-^"  «"  ''« 
He  agreed  with   the   senafoV  f^.   ^'"^^''  ministry? 
now  conducted  in  a  fairer  nl.  ^^"^    diplomacy  was 
It  had  been  in  ancient  .wf^  ?'f  "'''"•  '"annef  t  a' 
cur  in  the  doctrine  pmSh'r^r''"  '^""'^  "ever  con 
to  the  lawfulness  ^ofr^nn  'l^  ^°!"'l  ^^ugham    as 
n^ade  against  our  o^v^  S^f'Sf  ""  ''''^"'''  ^vh'ie" 
t'onal  dmpute.    AccSrdtf„\',,'5 "''"«"  '"  a  na- 
ancient  diploniacy  and  tl  e'iln  .  ■    '^  '"axuns  of  the 
?m,  a  negotiator  vas  Jo  nd  7  ""'  "/^""-d  through! 
in  conducting  a  niotiadon   •"/''"'  '^^'^ '""«  country 
forhiscIie„t^,eon"dTt°i  ;■'"''  ''^^^  '^^^Tcr  acte^J 
advantngeshe  <ouId  obt    f  a^Jd"'^  «^'»"«t 'ake  al] 
which  might  wr-,1fn»  I  ■     '    ""  concea    evervthino- 
His  lordship'  SZ  -idicr^  "'\°^^'-  'I"-"   - 
most  scorn/Ul   manner     1  e    f '  '"  i'^^  ^'^^.-est  and 
hand  m  st.ch  a  game  '  Here  Sr    p''"'^"'^  """' 
Brougham's  lan|uage.  ^'-   ^-  looted  Lord 

Iherc  was  one  view  of  f},«  „ 
presented  a  still  more  senous  „?""'. ^'"''■"^"'•'  ^^'hich 
ish   ministry   than  Tl,t  i"^  "T'^' 'gainst  the  Brit 
highhMmproper   s  th  a  r''!'"^"'   "'^  thi.s  „  i' 
this:  that  fn, fed  ys'o?L.ordVr'    ^''"-     ^^  "^ 
the  British  g..vcrnment   was  w,'r'''''°"''^'"»'^«t'-y 
claim  to  the  point  of  actuaTS..^  '"^  ^^  P'^^^  thii 
twns,  knowing,  at  the  same   i  "'''''"  ^''^  ^'^om- 

appeared  they"  did  thai  ?.?  •"'^'  •''^  "  now  clearlv 
unjust.  Notliing^iu  fan  't"  'j^.^""  ^^as  false  ard 
averted  this  calain  y  fromT'?^  Providence  iL  d 
prevented  an  actual  L/u  ■  l"^  '^^^  nat bns  anrt 
the  northeastern  boLnrary?"  ''''^^'^"  their  forc'es;;' 


1^4' 


claims,     N„«-  si,,  r  nm       . 

WeLir',:;?."'    '^••^""^'"-eliir  hee^r"'"''^'^'^  i,ioE would  in 
vvith  , 'rfj''*'  f  ^Pi-'ct  to  this  man     H,    h^^i^"  "Poi«enc«  of  I 

'<"'nvMhnt'„L"\  "  '">'  that   it    f -athri  l/'"".'"'"'^'*?"!!..!!)'    to 

IMUoi  the   i;„,ied  States  s^Jnl J  V^''V^^r"°'''''' »«•"•>«  ""^^ 
......      ."onia   I'O  he  ,1  boui,,)  I,  *3Ss  of  iuloi 

-'  was  in  *..,.„..     ,"^r    .         ■    • 


tin 


.'Limes  of  the   Kiji  oovery  of  the 

1 .  — 1  ..  i^i. 


founrt  hiv.n,  ,.  ''*  '<'"Piof  fJr  Kn  ,1  lil.  ""^  •"'Jioovery  ofi 
c=onn,  xYo,  'hS«  '-'■"T'^  *"  "o"'"  man  ^  '  >,''  '"''^  «'='<>  ^eCt/u  vv  i 
i-VaiikliL      ,''.IV^'"  '.he  map  .o  foum'l ' .3  V,"'":  ''."o  'l^-  th.  impouch 


ca«,.'n"f"^    '"  KfUL'i-al,  there  is  k'mVk  '   "'<■   letter  nfovlnc  tlmt  he 

thi;^cal'""'^,*;^;!i'"«''i''ind«'p^t^^f^^^^^  i,;ff  If  1.1.- 

is  the    leniic     ,.?„  "  1."""ng  to  .show  that   I,"'''''-'  ^*'  """.on  those  wh, 

.!;  ir^'./''^'"."^''''""  ^vi-th ;:«.!??  "^  ^"'^^  Cr  tC;.;  seHe/,  fot.  ( 

W  tt  :^^a;^^,^^vi^fl^.V^^    -|n  0.^^eut  .; 
iuV  i^on    rT'""'-''  ''earing,  n  any  mnn'*"'  ''•''"''"''  ^"as  m  :laUon;  and  tli 


of  LoriLi  m 
UUinks  to 
iington. 

A  great 


to  n  th<  k.u,,:"'*'*,'  '"•PP<'-'ed  bVh  ;;'°J^,°f  f'^'-nVa,  a'le,\evVrhe  may  1 
'■■•adv  s  ta  e  i^'  '°  ?"**"■  to  our  first  u,,  "  """^  refer,,,  for  Oieoppos) 
H  hic'h  «     .  '  *°  '"''h  map  could  be  1''^'' ""'>'•  ^^  '  ''ave  ;,:niOte  than  an 


cause  he 

mon  sense,  p 

ige,  a  Ihori 

cpuntry  and 

Se  matters  1 

has  yet  to  1; 

rienced  dipl 

who  have  g 

jjt  of  stale: 

country,  an 

the  terms  o 

your  own, 

disclose    a 

your  duty 

duty  is  lirs 

to  tell  ever 

._  ^  ,i..i 


is  your 


du( 


w  ■  tier'  l^,^:^''  hy  a  i,r:a"rn.d  ^^"^'^  ">J^^'-  Wei' 


ARPENDIX 


has 

farj 


/Ae  treaty  of  fVashinston         '       ^>  '^  "^  *«*/«'  o/ 

But  th«  nnl,l,.   i._j     ^        ■  ' 


t'>c  no^n-atorM  ir.r''',  "l^"  t'o»nded-thatV  '^S  '.'>««  claim 
Hw.  ir,  *'  .".aiora  intended  to  ratifv     i  ''  ^  claim  which 


have  lain 
those  prin( 
6th  of  Vict 
assuredly 
man,  albei 
language 
the  purpoi 
son  he  ha( 
practised 
that  it  wa 
let  every 
duty,  it  t 
equally  tl 
It  was  m; 


ami  noth/i^s  I  thi^it  ""^^  .'^«^^'  "'attm  much"'^*,  conviction 


15« 


'^'f^fti  thrnUt^^^  'lion  would  inevitably  ha»c  been  given  in  your  favor,  in 


Ho 

ill 


hag  j,o!l   "P'''«quenco  of  the  evicfcnce  of  man's,  wliich  "would  ni)t  bi; 

'"  not  liHv      '^krwid  as  maps  recoifnised  liy  tilt' ni'Kotiators  tlionisi' Ives. 

of  Jiis  pois '■"? '"-S*"''  "''''  with  rofiiniiro  to  the  niai).s  discovnicd 
^alhnr  I'lrrf  '''''^',''''''<^c""y  'o  "'"  ooiirhif.ion  of  tlic  ni-gotiatioiis  con- 
l^omafista  „'  .^''■'  tea   by    Lonl    Ashburtoii.     Tl\i;    nobio    lonl    opposite 

thai  (K        ""   '"  •■.  -  

'ii'i.l  hJi 


stated    that    his     preiiuccssor 


Oi'liri-    had    ruudo 


bo  hi'iii  li<??.''''i"''P<'*'''''"  ''"li'iry  '"'"   ""-'  "latter,  and  possesscil   all   tlu,' 


F"-'  vvas  in  t  ""'!•'  l  nents  of  inlbrniation  connected  with  it.  Lord  Asliliurtun, 
therpfo,.,, '^^.'"■'  I'ljfll'  '"  ii  riu;ht  to  draw  tin;  same  rondusioii.  lie  had  a 
■I'lemanol  Wt»*  i'resuine  that  h(;  was   ''*''"   "'""I'l   '"   )ios.sissioii  of 

•'•'.  Vf;ry  .^''"rl/i  the  elements  of  information  on  whicii  a  satisfactory  cou- 
liivcs   of  ,'J''";''''-    '.,ilon  could   be    come  to;  and,   therefore,  the  sul)se(jueut 

t"iJi/j'j]'j,  1,,,        ,''"1  COvery  of  the  map  in  I'aris,  evt;u  if  it  could  bo  positively 

but  thoj.,.-        '"  onectcd  witli  Dr.  I'lauklin's  despatch,  would  be  no  ground 

"ifl   till.   I  If."'*  ''' th*  impeachment  of  tlie  treaty  of  Lord  Aslilnirloii,  or  for 

Conn(.xjo."'"'''^'''K  "'''''"•'''"'' ""'  "bly  and  lionorably  disclurged  his 

I  biji  tiler"'"*  '"itiei.  If  lilnme  should  tall  ujion  anyone,  it  i  liould  fall 
ft'iat  til,,  _,"'*  "oiiion  those  whd  have   been  conductintj  these   nej^otiations 

liar"';"^"'^?^,:';"^-"- 

i^5...';'%''.ir  or,  ,;x< 


,„     .,  yirii:;  oti"'Xtncl,  from   Hansard\i   Parliamentary    Debates,  (Ihl 
'        "li?"  ''"-•  ";i  se^f^'  '-■o'-  e«:  i'«?f s  626,  (i'J7,  G28,  and  f.29,).  ofacoi- 


t'l'dl>S 


Office  at  'p."!?*^''  reeled  speech  delivered  bij  Lord  Brovgkam  in  the  House 
j'^'ion  at  flrgj"'  :^  of  Lords  on  the  1th  Jlp'nl,  1843,  on  the  proposition  of 
"" Utonks  to  Lord  JMbiirton  fm-  the  treaty  of  Wash- 


&:'ir?» 


' '  search  «■„. 


niadi,    bngton. 

f>th:    A  great  charge  against  Mr.   W'cbster   is,  th.it   ho   sup- 

,        -  in ((•  gnawed  the  map  of  Dr.  Kranklin  in  the  course  of  the  nego- 

•  upp    j^J  ^"as  rrifiiiation;  and  this  suppression  bus  been  said  to  savor  of  had 

r  nor  ni,  ^ '^^''PU'iaittt-     I  deny  it.     I  deny  that  a  neifotiator,  in  carrying;  on  a 

s   ,);■.„      P  couJij  controversy,  as  reijresentiiiK  his   own  country,  with   u  Ibr- 

PfAmoric 
tlie 

'J  oily 


^     .ercd,  (jj  eiga  country,  is  bound  U)  disclose  to  the   other  party  what- 
'1' a  letifever  he  may  know  that  tells  atfainst  his  own  country,  and 
"jnp  reffcriY.  for  the  opposite   party.     I   deny  that  he   is  so  bound,   any 
ovcii.  J     ,,''"*'«  ,i;inore  than  an  advocate  is  bound  to  tell  the  court  all  that  he 
it   r     ^''"'  tiii  deems  to  maku  against  his  own  client  and  for  liis  adversary, 
f'her  f     m"    **'*''    My  noble  friend.  Lord  Ashburton,  has  been  objected  to— my 
u^  "  'be  Kinj  noble  friend  opposite  has  been  blamed  for  selecting  l)im  — 
to  i,y  fk^^P  °^  th'  because    he    is   not  a    regular  l)red    diplomatist ;    because 
Kini;  "    ij'^*'"')' w  he  is  not  acquainted  with  diplomatic  lore 

yOW,  ,sj;  plain  unlettered  man  as   regards  diplomatic  allairs;  and  be 
Arneric^ri  cause  he  had  onl)  the  guide  of  common  honesty  and  com- 

■"'(•"re  w'i.s 


MicaJ 

S!^t^-^^4 


Jnied 
w,o  found" 


aiis   „:.:>   'ha 


because  he  is  a 
"6-       i\i,...    ■   -■     .  .  .     .    '     .  • 

to  the 

q,,' '^'ns  pill)  mon  arnse,  great  fcx|)eiience  of  men,  great  general  knowl 
edge,  a  thorough  at(|uaintauce  with  the  interests  of  his  own 
(yiuntry  and  of  the  country  he  was  sent  to,  for  his  guide  in 
Se  matters  he  was  to  negotiate.  Hut  I  believe  my  noble  friend 
has  yet  to  barn  this  one  bvsson— that  it  is  the  duty  of  e.spe- 
rienced  diplomatists,  of  regular  bred  politicians,  of  those 
who  have  grown  gray  in  the  mystery  of  negoliation  and  the 
art  of  statescraft.  that  when  you  are  sent  to  represent  a 
country,  and  to  get  the  best  terms  you  can  for  it,  to  lower 
the  terms  of  the  opposite  party,  and  to  exalt  the  terms  of 
your  own,  as  far  as  may  be— you  ought  first  of  all  to 
disclose  all  the  weaknesses  of  your  own  case— that 
your  duty  to  )  our  country  is  something,  but  that  j  our 
duty  is  first  to  tlu;  opposite  party,  and  tliat  you  are  bound 
to  tell  everything  that  makes  for  that  adverse  party,  'i'hiit 
is  your  duty;  that  is  one  of  those  arts  of  diplomacy  which 
have  lain  concealed  until  the  present  year  181.'t--one  of 
those  principles  of  statesmanship  which  it  remained  for  the 
6th  of  Victoria  to  produce  and  iiromulgate.  but  w  hich  weie 
assuredly  not  quite  understood  by  that  old  French  states- 
man, albeit  trained  in  tlic  diplomatic  school,  who  said  that 
language  had  been  conferred  upon  men  by  I'rovidence  for 
the  purpose  of  concealing  their  thoughts.  This  was  a  les- 
son he  had  yet  to  learn,  this  regular-bred  diplomatist  — this 
practised  negotiator.  Ho  certainly  could  not  huve  thought 
that  it  was  his  duty  to  practise  a  window  in  his  hosoin,  and 
let  every  one  see  what  pa.'-sed  in  his  mind.  Hut  it  was  the 
duty,  it  seems,  of  my  noble  friend  to  tell  all;  and  it  was 
equally  the  reciprocal  duly  of  .Mr.  Webster  to  do  the  same. 
It  was  my  noble  friend's  duty, to  disclose  all  that  he  had 


'^  "'01    of  COD 

/••■ankJin.    To 
founded 


inft't 


,'Y  «"ounfrjr_ 
-"  a  niaj)  by 

J^,o/~.ndJ 
"'  'he  nohlp 

'   "iatJino  ;» 

'°|'«lor,Mr 
the   -- 


..      ^'nited 
'""^npos- 

inT°"«  "» 
'P-  '  repeat, 

't  ^'''"«'* 
foundarv 

'Vhat  ^v^ 

■?'ors;  but 


found  out  again.'it  the  negotiation  he  w  cnt  to  conduct.  That 
was  tlie  new  art,  the  new  mystery,  the  new  disco>ery  of 
181.');  Imt  I  find  my  honorable  friend,  Mr.  Webster,  has  great 
uuihoiity,  and  that  even  if  he  were  wrong,  he  errs  in  excel- 
lent good  company.  It  does  so  hapjien  that  then;  was  a  map 
published  by  the  King's  geographer  in  this  country  in  the 
H'ignofhis  .Miijestv  Cieorge  III:  and  here  I  could  apjieal  to  un 
illustrious  duke  wliomi  now  see,  whethi  r  that  monarch  wan 
not  us  little  likely  to  err  from  any  fulness  of  nttaehment  to- 
wards America,  as  any  one  of  his  faithful  sul)jectsl  [The 
iJuke  ol  Cniiil)rii!i>i::  Ileur.J  liecause  he  widl  knows  that 
theie  was  no  one  thing  which  his  revered  parent  had 
HO  much  at  heart  as  the  separation  from  Amer- 
ica, and  there  was  nothing  he  deplored  so  m  ich  a."  that  se|)- 
aiation  having  taken  placi;.  1  be  King's  geogiupher,  Mr. 
t''ad(;n,  puldished  his  map  1783,  which  contains,  not  the  Ilrit- 
ish,  but  the  American  line.  Why  did  not  my  nolJe  friend 
take  ovei  a  copy  of  that  map?  i\"iy  noble  friend  o()pos'te 
(Lord  Aberdeen)  is  a  candid  man;  Ik;  is  an  e:\peiience  I  ili- 
ploniatist.  both  abroad  and  at  home;  he  is  not  nnl(;tti  re,l,  but 
thoroughly  conversant  in  all  the  crafts  of  diplomacy  and 
statesmanshiji.  Why  ('id  he  conceal  this  map?  Wv  have  a 
riglit  to  complain  of  that;  and  I,  on  the  part  of  .America, 
complain  of  that.  Vou  ought  to  have  sent  out  the  map 
of  .\lr.  Kad(;n,  and  said,  "this  is  (ieorge  the  Third's  map." 
But  it  never  occurred  to  my  nobh;  friend  to  do  so.  Then, 
two  years  after  .Mr.  l-'uden  published  that  mH|),  another  was 
liublished,  and  that  took  the  Hiitish  line.  '1  his,  however, 
came  out  after  the  boundary  had  becoini-  matter  of  contro- 
versy, jiosl  litnin  niolam.  But,  at  all  ev(;nts,  my  noble  friend 
had  to  contenil  with  the  force  of  the  argument  against  Mr. 
VVel'Ster.  and  America  had  a  riglit  to  tin;  benefit  of  both 
maps.  My  noble  frii;nd  ojipositi;  never  sent  it  over,  and  no- 
I'Ody  ever  blamed  him  for  it.  But  that  was  not  all.  What 
if  there  was  another  map  containing  the  American  line,  and 
lutver  corrected  at  all  by  any  subseciuent  chart  coming  from 
the  same  custody  .'  And  what  if  that  rna]>  came  out  of  the 
custody  of  a  person  high  inollice  in  this  country — nay, what 
if  it  came  out  of  the  custody  of  the  highest  functionary  of 
all,— of  George  3d  himselff  I  know  that  map— 1  know  a 
map  which  I  can  (race  to  the  custody  of  (Jeoige  .3d,  and  on 
which  there  is  the  .American  line  and  not  the  Knglish  line,  and 
upon  which  there  is  ii  note,  that  from  tlie  hand-writing,  as  it 
has  been  described  to  me,  make.";  me  think  it  was  the  note  of 
(ieorge ;>d  himself:  "This  is  tlie  line  of  Mr.  Oswald's  treaty  in 
1783,"  written  three  or  four  times  upon  tin-  face  of  it.  Now, 
sup))ose  this  should  occur — 1  do  not  knoiv  that  it  has  happen- 
ed—but  it  may  occur  to  a  Secretary  of  State  for  Foreign 
.Mlairs,— either  to  my  noble  friend  or  Lord  rahnerston. 
w  lio,  I  und'Tstand  by  comjjion  report,  taken  a  great  interest 
in  the  question;  and  though  he  may  not  altogether  approve 
of  the  treaty,  he  may  peradventnre  envy  the  .^ucci^ss  v^'hich 
attended  it,  for  it  was  a  success  which  did  not  iittend  any 
of  liis  own  American  negotiations.  Until  is  possible  that 
my  noble  friend  or  Lord  I'almerston  may  have  discovere.i 
that  then;  was  this  map,  because  (ieuige  3d's  library,  by 
the  munificence  of  fJeorge  4th,  was  given  to  the  British 
Museum,  and  this  map  must  have  been  there;  but  it  is  a 
curious  circumstance  that  it  is  no  longer  there.  I  suppose 
it  must  have  lieen  taken  out  of  the  British  Museum  for  the 
purpose  of  being  sent  over  to  my  noble  friend  in  America; 
and  that,  according  to  the  new  doctrines  of  diplomacy,  he 
was  bound  to  have  used  it  when  there,  in  orlcrto  show 
tliat  he  had  no  case— that  he  not  a  leg  to  stand  upon.  Why 
did  he  not  take  it  over  with  him.'  Probably  he  did  not 
Know  of  its  «xistence.  I  am  told  that  it  is  not  now  in  the 
British  Museum,  bnt  that  it  is  in  the  Foreign  Ofiice.  Proba- 
biy  it  wiis  known  to  exist;  but  somehow  or  other  that  map, 
which  entirely  destroys  our  contention  and  gives  all  to  the 
Americans,  has  been  removed  from  the  British  Museum, 
and  is  now  to  be  found  at  the  J>'oreign  Ortice.  Kxplain  it  as 
you  will,  that  is  the  simple  fact,  that  this  important  map 
was  removed  from  the  museum  to  the  office,  and  not  in  llie 
time  of  my  noble  friend  [L,ord  Aberdeen.] 


la/m 


"pon 


that  thny 
]".''lc  lord 
■"{'ration, 
c'aiins,  I 

"pen  to 
'af  claim 

?  WhJcll 

^er,  that 
Sparks'.^ 
eviction 
y  Were; 
«xpec. 
oa,  tha 


